Does Parenting Differ Based on Social Class?: African American Women's Perceived Socialization for Achievement

Research has provided some evidence of ethnic group, gender, and class differences in the socialization for achievement. However, there is little research on African American women with the exception of the studies of low-income, single mothers. To understand the similarities and differences in socialization for achievement based on social class, middle-class African American women from working- and middle-class backgrounds were studied using qualitative and quantitative methods to compare them on issues related to achievement socialization. Women from middle-class backgrounds reported that their parents had higher expectations for them and were more involved in their education than did women from working-class backgrounds. More middle-class parents expected their daughters to be successful in careers than did working-class parents. Women from working-class families did receive support from their parents but they did not have as much support as did the women from middle-class backgrounds. Women from working-class families perhaps made use of other sources to support their desire to succeed. There were no differences in perceived race-related socialization based on social class. Implications of these findings for future research are discussed.     

Class,housework, and happiness: Women's work and life satisfaction

Large-sample surveys often fail to find a difference in self-reported satisfaction between housewives and employed women. Several explanations that have been offered for this failure are explored here in greater detail. The suggestion that the ease of housewives' lives is experienced as a benefit compensating for fewer satisfactions in other areas is rejected; greater time pressure is associated with greater satisfaction for housewives. The suggestion that working-class women are happier at home, while middle-class women prefer careers is also not supported; working-class women appear to be less satisfied with their lives and no more satisfied with their work whether the comparison group is working-class women with jobs or middle-class housewives. Social desirability, on the other hand, is found to be a major factor predicting the self-reported happiness of housewives, and the general issue of the role of social expectations in evaluating satisfaction is raised.     

Middle- and Working-Class Black and White Children's Speech During a Picture-Labeling Task

The speech of 9 middle-class Black, 9 middle-class White, 9 working-class Black, and 9 working-class White preschool children was examined during a picture labeling task. The groups were found to be similar in levels and forms of labeling. There were class differences and race differences among the children: Middle-class and White children labeled more and provided more information about objects. Existing data from the children's parents indicate that there are many ways in which the groups of children resemble and differ from their parents in their labeling. The present findings demonstrate the influence of social context in shaping children's labeling and the simultaneous influence of the children's independent structuring of their labeling.     

Achievement motivation and field independence

Abstract.— Previous studies on the relationship between achievement motivation and field independence appear to have concentrated on the hope of success motive and Embedded Figures Test measures of field independence. The present study relates measures of both hope of success and fear of failure to performance on the Rod and Frame Test. It was found that a group with high Hope of Success/high Fear of Failure and one with low Hope of Success/low Fear of Failure were more field dependent than a group with high Hope of Success/low Fear of Failure and one with low Hope of Success/high Fear of Failure. The results were interpreted in line with the Yerkes-Dodson law. High Hope of Success/high Fear of Failure was assumed to reflect a too high level of effort output or arousal, whereas low Hope of Success/low Fear of Failure was assumed to reflect a too low level of effort expenditure. According to a second interpretation, the field dependent performance of high/high and low/low groups was assumed to relate to a confused/uncertain self image.     

Race × class stereotypes of women

Forty-four undergraduates assigned traditional stereotyping adjectives to middle-class black, middle-class white, lower-class black, and lower-class white female stimulus persons. A multivariate analysis of variance revealed that these Race × Class stereotypes of women differed significantly by race and by social class, but there was no Race × Class interaction. The stereotype of white women was rated significantly higher than that of black women on dependent, passive, and emotional. The stereotype of lower-class women was rated significantly higher than that of middle-class women on confused, dirty, hostile, inconsiderate, and irresponsible. Although the stereotypes of women differed significantly by race and social class, all were stereotypically feminine. In addition, the stereotypes of white women, and of middle-class women were most similar to traditional stereotypes of women. Thus, it was concluded that both race and social class are implicit variables in sex-role stereotypes.     

Using multiple class indicators to examine working-class ideology

Eysenck showed that working-class supporters of any particular political party tended to be more conservative than middle-class supporters of the same party. Lipset has put forward the more ambitious thesis that working-class people in general are more authoritarian and conservative than middle-class people (except on economic issues). Existing evidence for the Lipset thesis suggests at best weak support for it with a lot depending on the particular scales used and the particular class index used. A comprehensive study is therefore presented in which six scales of conservatism, two scales of authoritarianism and political party preference are correlated with five social-class indices. Ss were a community sample of 203 Australians. Significant correlations were sparse and of low magnitude with working-class people tending to be radical rather than conservative on non-economic issues. Authoritarians also tended to be middle class rather than lower class. There were however two weak correlations with education in the direction predicted by Lipset.     

The emergent father role

Using data collected before and after birth of a couple's first child, change in each parent's view of men as fathers was investigated in a short-term longitudinal study. Semantic differential scales tapped the man's image of self as father, the woman's image of husband as father, and each parent's rating of the baby's adjustment. Interview questions provided information on circumstances of the birth, the father's early child care activities, and parents' previous child care experience. Men's judgments of their own effectiveness as fathers declined from before the birth to afterward. Wives' judgments of their husbands' effectiveness as fathers also declined over that same period, but wives rated husbands higher than husbands rated themselves at both times. A single-equation multiple regression model, adapted from a structural model, was estimated to explain change in both spouses' ratings of the man's paternal role competence. It revealed that working-class spouses agreed on the basis for their judgments of the father's role performance, in that both judged him mainly in terms of how much he participated in child care. Middle-class spouses disagreed on the basis for their judgments of fathers, however. The middle-class men rated their own performance in the father role mainly in terms of the baby's adjustment; if they judged the baby to be happier, they judged themselves to be more competent as fathers. The middle-class women did not rate fathers on that basis. Instead, the middle-class women's ratings responded to the circumstances of the birth and to the father's participation in child care chores. Findings are discussed in terms of family role theory, social-class differences in the father's role, and recent change in expectations for men's parental role.This research was supported by NIMH Grant No. MH15735 and earlier by NICHD Grant No. HD 13103.     

Cognitive functioning of older people in relation to social and personality variables

Age differences in performance on memory measures and in subjective ratings of memory adequacy were examined in the context of 12 social, personality, adjustment, and lifestyle measures. Participants were 285 men and women, aged 65 to 93, of middle- and working-class backgrounds. A series of multivariate and univariate analyses revealed that a large proportion of the age differences and virtually all of the social-class differences on memory measures could be accounted for by contextual variables, with education, intellectual activity, extroversion, neuroticism, and lie scores (on the Eysenck Personality Inventory) all accounting for more of the variance in memory performance than did age. Self-rated memory adequacy was not correlated with performance, and although the expected finding of lower ratings by older participants was obtained with the working-class group, the opposite was true for the middle-class group. Implications of these results for understanding age differences in memory are discussed.     

An interactional model of achievement motivation and fear of success

Over the past 20 years, research on Fear of Success (FOS) has generated many inconsistent and contradictory results. The thesis of this article is that misinterpretations of Horner's (Sex Differences in Achievement Motivation and Performance in Competitive and Non-Competitive Situations, unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Michigan, 1968) theory are responsible for such findings. Therefore, Horner's theory regarding the motivational dynamics underlying the performance of males and females is reviewed and contrasted with later interpretations. Based on Horner's formulations, a model of FOS and achievement motivation is presented that both accommodates previous research and provides a framework for guiding future research. Empirical findings are presented that support the utility of this model.The author would like to thank JoAnne DiPlacido and Wendy Keller for serving as experimenters; Sheree Kohak, Dan Ozer, Henry Weinberg, Joseph Williams, and three anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments on an earlier version of this article.     

SOCIAL CLASS, SOCIAL CHANGE, AND GENDER

This article explores the implications of social class background in the lives of women who attended Radcliffe College in the late 1940s and in the early 1960s. Viewing social classes as "cultures" with implications for how individuals understand their worlds, we examined social class background and cohort differences in women's experiences at Radcliffe, their adult life patterns, their constructions of women's roles, and the influence of the women's movement in their lives. Results indicated that women from working-class backgrounds in both cohorts felt alienated at Radcliffe. Cohort differences, across social class, reflected broad social changes in women's roles in terms of the rates of divorce, childbearing, level of education, and career activity. There were few social class-specific social changes, but there were a number of social class differences among the women in the Class of 1964. These differences suggested that women from working-class backgrounds viewed women's marital role with some suspicion, whereas women from middle- and upper-class backgrounds had a more positive view. Perhaps for this reason, working-class women reported that the women's movement confirmed and supported their skeptical view of middle-class gender norms.     

Understanding female careerism

Horner's fear of success construct rests on the assumption that women react negatively to achievements which violate their definition of appropriate gender-role behavior. Consistent with this assumption, the present investigation attempted to determine whether fear of success imagery expressed in response to different achievement-related cues would covary with (a) a woman's own gender-role orientation and/or (b) the perceived gender-role norms of her significant male. One hundred female honors students completed the Maferr Inventory of Feminine Values and responded to projective cues depicting competitive success characterized as (a) traditionally male, (b) traditionally female, (3) social—domestic, and (d) vicarious. Only one relationship reached significance. Women who perceived the significant male in their life as endorsing nontraditional gender-role behavior were more likely to respond negatively to vicarious success. Fear of success bore no relationship to the gender role of the subject herself. In view of these findings it is considered unwise to regard fear of success as the single, most powerful determinant of a woman's role choices. A more generalized cognitive model which incorporates additional intrapsychic as well as situational factors is proposed.     

Socioeconomic differences in coping with childbearing

The socioeconomic status of 200 women, who were completing a childbearing year, was found to be significantly associated with their attitudes, affective arousal and coping strategies. Differences in attitude existed toward 11 of 18 aspects of childbearing, working-class women holding more positive attitudes with the exception of their negative attitudes concerning physical problems and labor. Affective arousal, as measured by the application of 12 content analysis scales to the women's recollections, was greatest among working-class women who experienced more mutation, guilt, and total anxiety. This was associated with their tendency to avoid confrontation and be fatalistic in dealing with problems. They were less likely to exhibit instrumental coping by attending prenatal classes, seeking information, or planning. Interactions of socioeconomic status, type of problem, and coping strategy chosen occurred, as did some variations in the reactions of middle- and upper middle-class women.     

Achievement-related expectations and aspirations in college women

Two hundred unmarried female undergraduates (129 juniors, 71 seniors) participated in an investigation of the thesis that achievement in women is hindered by depressed occupational and educational aspirations, which are in turn influenced by a cluster of a cluster of achievement-related expectations. The study examined correlations among five achievement-related expectations (sex-role conception, expectations about the consequences of role-inappropriate achievement, expectations for success, peer expectations, and perceived discrimination), occupational and educational aspirations, and indices of past achievement and ability. The data support the hypothesized relation between expectations and aspirations. Sex-role conception, expectations of positive consequences from success, expectations of negative consequences from success, expectations for success, female peer expectations, and perceived discrimination were each significantly related to aspirations (p<.05 or above, in all cases). The implications of these findings, along with the high intercorrelations of expectation variables and results from path and factor analyses, are that there is considerable consistency in what women expect from themselves and their social environment, and that these expectations influence women's aspirations.This article is based in part on a dissertation submitted by the author to the faculty of the University of Colorado in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the doctoral degree. This research was supported by National Institute of Mental Health Grant #2TO1MH0661316PO. The author gratefully acknowledges the assistance of Drs. D. Wayne Osgood, Lawrence Severy, Kathleen Wells, John Forward, and Mr. Robert Burton in the preparation of this article, and Brynn Beacom, her research assistant, in the conduct of the study.     

Motives and Values to Achieve: Different Constructs With Different Effects

ABSTRACT Motives to achieve and values associated with achievement were conceptualized as distinct and independent personality constructs, one nonconscious, the other conscious, each predictive of a different type of achievement-related behavior It was hypothesized that (a) motive and value measures would be uncorrelated, (b) motives would predict “operant” or spontaneous behaviors while values would predict “respondent” or stimulus-driven behaviors, and (c) motives and values would interact such that subjects with high values relating to achievement would perform better than those with low values, but only when their motives were also high Hypotheses (a) and (b) were strongly supported m two studies, and Hypothesis (c) was supported in Study 2 In that study, the motive for achievement was a particularly strong predictor of operant math performance among those subjects who valued achievement as opposed to affiliation The findings suggest that nonconscious (motive) and conscious (value) measures are both useful in different cases–the former for predicting “real” (doing) activity, the latter for predicting self-report (thinking) responses Questions concerning how motives and values might combine to predict different kinds of behavior are addressed     

Sex differences in achievement motivation

Abstract.— Norwegian undergraduate psychology students were given Heckhausen's TAT test of achievement motivation prior to or after final course examination. Women obtained higher mean score on Fear of Failure than men on both occasions. There was no sex difference in length of protocol, nor was this variable related to any of the motivation scores. Success in terms of examination results did not affect motivation scores, whereas failure led to higher score on Hope of Success for men but not for women.     

Coping among african-american,hispanic, and non-hispanic white women recently treated for early stage breast cancer

Relatively little is known about how members of minority groups cope with experiences such as diagnosis and treatment of breast cancer – in particular, whether coping patterns among minorities differ from that of the majority. This study adds to the existing knowledge base using a cross-sectional sample of middle-class African-American (n = 26), Hispanic (n = 59), and non-Hispanic White women (n = 151) who had been treated for early stage breast cancer in the past year. We tested for differences in coping responses per se and also for the possibility that coping would relate to distress differently in different groups. There were only two differences in coping (controlling for medical variables, education, and distress): compared to non-Hispanic White women, the other two groups both reported using humor-based coping less, and religion-based coping more. There was one difference in how coping related to distress: venting related more strongly to elevated distress among Hispanic than among non-Hispanics. Discussion centers on a growing consensus on ethnic differences in religious and humor-based coping, and on the relative absence of other coping differences among these populations.     

Adolescents and conceptions of social relations in the workplace

This study examined the relationship between social class and adolescents' conceptions of social relations in the workplace. Forty female adolescent, non-managerial employees who work part-time at McDonald's restaurants were interviewed. Two groups were formed: one middle-class group (n = 20) and another working-class group (n = 20). Results indicated that middle-class respondents were more apt to seek positive, affective ties with managers whereas working-class respondents were more apt to be critical of or to maintain emotional distance from managers. In addition, middle-class respondents more often viewed managers as allies whereas working-class respondents more often emphasized resistance to managers or endurance in coping with work-place grievances. No significant differences were found in relations with co-workers.     

Gendered contours of contemporary South Asian religious practices in the context of migration: second-generation Jain women and men in Britain and the US

Viewing religion through the social constructionist lens and adopting the methodological approach of ‘lived religion’, this article draws attention to the gendered contours of contemporary Jain practice. Although Jain dharma is a non-theistic, non-institutionalised religion, gender differences are embedded within lay practice in India. In contrast, analysis of qualitative data (interviews conducted with 50 second-generation, middle- and upper middle-class Jain women and men in Britain and the US) reveals a gender convergence in patterns of everyday religious practice and performance. I argue that the social turn in late modern societies, together with the dominance of a neo-orthodox approach among diasporic Jains, facilitates this convergence. Further, shifting patterns of religious practices suggest that religion is an important site for the negotiation of gender identities in the context of migration. The construction of Jain religious selves enables young Jains—both women and men—to navigate multiple and contradictory femininities and masculinities and to display more affective, relational, and compassionate selves in late modern societies.