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This article reports on a conversation convened by Quentin Skinner at the invitation of the Editors of The Journal of Political Philosophy and held in Cambridge on 13 February 2001.  相似文献   

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顾肃 《学海》2002,(3):103-108
诺齐克提出了有关一般权利和财产权的性质的深层问题 ,而其理论出发点仍然是自由主义的基本原则 ,即是否可能不特别借助于关于人性及其目的的说明来发展出一种权利理论 ,以及是否可能发展出一种不预设人间善的观念的产权理论。他在具体论述时向罗尔斯和德沃金的正义理论发出了根本性的挑战 ,并且坚持了程序正义的底线和“最小国家”的古典自由主义原则。今天只有从经济全球化和自由贸易发展的国际大背景下才能深刻理解诺齐克的权利理论的理论意义和现实意义  相似文献   

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Susan Mendus 《Philosophia》2017,45(2):477-486
The paper examines John Horton’s realist political theory, in particular his critique of John Rawls’s “high” or “liberal moralism”, and seeks to determine the extent to which, together with Horton, we would have reasons to leave Rawls’s and other Rawlsian accounts behind. The paper argues that some of the insights of Horton’s realism are mistaken, whereas many of those which are not mistaken are compatible with liberal moralism correctly understood. The argument is also formulated in terms of contingency, in particular in terms of a contrast between the realist emphasis on the contingency of human existence and the liberal moralism’s neglect or inability to properly account for it, due to a strong focus on necessity.  相似文献   

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姜延军 《学海》2008,(1):55-59
后现代政治哲学早已不是什么新话题,但国人对它的理解至今还主要停留在后现代主义一般性理论的层面上,政治哲学领域的独特性往往被忽视或淹没.事实上,无论从与传统政治哲学在研究起点、内容、方法、旨趣等方面的不同所规约出的理论视阈,还是从理性反思、合法性论证及日常生活强调等研究路径所反映出的理论取向,都鲜明地彰显着后现代政治哲学的独特魅力和启示.  相似文献   

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论康德的政治哲学   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
张旭 《世界哲学》2005,(1):90-97
康德的"永久和平"(der ewige Friede)概念是其政治哲学的核心.在康德之前,马基亚维里、格劳秀斯、普芬道夫、博丹、霍布斯这些近代政治哲学和国际法学的奠基人都对永久和平的理想不屑一顾.只有圣·皮埃尔神甫的《欧洲永久和平的方案》和卢梭的和平观念构成了康德"永久和平"概念的直接源头.在《永久和平论》中,康德从自由的实践理性原则出发,并提出,共和国家的自由联盟是永久和平的基础,并给出了一整套关于世界公民权利的"世界公民主义"(Cosmopolitanism),给出了今天人们称之为"自由主义的国际主义"的哲学论证.这个思想对哈贝马斯和罗尔斯这些当代政治哲学家的思想产生了很大影响.  相似文献   

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Contemporary proponents of Confucian political philosophy often ignore the fact that any sizeable future Confucian political order will have to accommodate many “non-Confucians.” The guiding question of this paper is therefore the following: how could a Confucian political philosophy, if it can at all, adequately take into account a plurality of comprehensive worldviews? I first turn to John Rawls and his account of these terms and of reasonable pluralism more generally. I then examine some particularly relevant developments and criticism of Rawls’ account. Finally, I offer a discussion of some recent proposals for a Confucian political philosophy, and examine to what extent each recognizes the fact of pluralism, sees it as a challenge, and deals with it in a persuasive manner. The paper concludes with a depiction of two major stumbling blocks that might stand firmly in the way of such a pluralism-accommodating political Confucianism.  相似文献   

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王皖强 《学海》2001,(2):108-114
斯克拉顿的政治哲学深受黑格尔法哲学的影响.斯克拉顿对权威、秩序、传统、财产、制度等保守主义核心理论预设的阐述和强调,继承了柏克以来保守主义的基本观点,抨击以理性主义为基础的自由主义政治哲学,把怀疑主义的传统保守主义带入现代.  相似文献   

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在 2 0世纪的政治哲学领域 ,列奥·斯特劳斯 (LeoStrauss)是最有影响的人物之一。他一生出版了 1 5本书和大量的文章。这些作品以深刻的哲思为核心 ,涵盖古今西方思想史 ,辐射其它多门学科 ,诸如神学、古典文献学以及中世纪学 (medievalistics)等。同时 ,斯特劳斯在他所涉足的领域中 ,又是一位最有争议的人物之一。究其主要原因 ,一方面 ,他崇尚古代希腊的风范 ,寻幽探古 ,挖掘其认识论理念 ;另一方面 ,他又追随时尚 ,关注当下话题。我们在寻访他的思想踪迹时 ,很难找到一个确切的术语来界定其思维方式。就其政治态…  相似文献   

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人类的思考都是对观念的思考,它的前提是对既有认识都持一定的怀疑态度。人类思考依其怀疑程度而分类,哲学思考是所有思考中最具怀疑精神的颠覆性思考。政治哲学是一切有关政治生活思考中最具颠覆性的思考,它的起点是人类的政治生活经验,但政治哲学追求的不是什么确定性或确定性的基础,也不是对现实政治生活的指导,而是对现有政治生活认识的批判与颠覆。政治哲学区别于其他形式哲学的地方在于,它始于政治经验,又保留着与政治经验进行联系的历史轨迹。  相似文献   

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The republican ideal of non‐domination identifies the capacity for arbitrary interference as a fundamental threat to liberty that can generate fearful uncertainty and servility in those dominated. I argue that republican accounts of domination can provide a powerful analysis of the nature of legal and institutional power that is encountered by people with mental disorders or cognitive disabilities. In doing so, I demonstrate that non‐domination is an ideal which is pertinent, distinctive, and desirable in thinking through psychological disability. Finally, I evaluate republican strategies for contesting domination, focusing on the limits of contestatory democracy, and proposing a participatory alternative which better addresses problems of political agency in the mentally disordered and cognitively disabled.  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT  Sissela Bok's two main works, on lying and secrets, have not received all the attention they deserve. This is possibly because the underlying structure from which she is working is not, at least according to the critics, made sufficiently explicit. I believe that this structure is found in Sissela Bok's commitment to the fundamental tenets of democracy. This not only provides a framework that is clearly discernible but also gives her books an urgency, and supplies the solid basis necessary for taking up the challenges she puts forward. This is particularly important now that new democracies in Eastern Europe are looking to established democracies in the West for guidelines.  相似文献   

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池忠军  亓光 《学海》2008,1(3):62-66
重新审视<宣言>的政治哲学思想,意味着在对政治哲学基本概念的分析基础上,能够把握马克思的政治哲学与马克思主义政治哲学之间的关系,并且在存在、建构和超越的逻辑进路下辨明马克思的政治哲学在<宣言>中是通过三个核心范畴的命题而确立的.通过对<宣言>具体内容的抽象,<宣言>在三大范畴性进步的基础上,成功地从本体论、认识论和方法论三个方面体现了马克思的政治哲学的科学性、进步性、前瞻性和先进性.  相似文献   

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本文是对西方学界关于洛克政治哲学的基督教基础之研究的评述.论文共分四个部分.前三个部分将逐一对邓恩、马歇尔和西蒙斯以及沃尔德伦的著作进行述评,旨在借此对有关研究作一管中窥豹式的梳理,并以此为例探讨历史的与哲学的方法在思想史研究上的利弊得失,对剑桥学派的语境主义研究方法提出批评,此外,还将讨论在何种意义上洛克的政治哲学仍然对当代政治问题具有重要的启迪.第四部分结论将进一步凝练全文观点.  相似文献   

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The Journal of Value Inquiry -  相似文献   

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