信息线索变化条件下“性别/年龄”多重社会范畴的加工特性

选取40名老年人和38名年轻人做被试,以同时携带“年龄-性别”信息、体现着社会多重范畴的面孔作为靶子刺激,探究年龄或性别范畴中某一范畴发生变化时,多重社会范畴的类别化加工特性以及各个子范畴的类别化加工之间的相互关系。在此基础上进一步探讨了不同年龄（老年人-青年人）和性别（男性-女性）的认知者在面对社会多重范畴时相应的类别化加工过程是否存在差异。结果发现：当年龄或者性别中的某个社会范畴发生变化时,另一社会范畴的类别化加工未能达到完全自动化加工水平。具体地,年龄类别化加工的自动化程度高于性别;老年人对于面孔中的社会范畴信息的加工速度慢于年轻人;对老年面孔中的社会范畴信息进行加工需要耗费更多的认知资源;相对于老年女性而言,认知者更加偏好年轻女性的面孔。     

Face adaptation to gender: Does adaptation transfer across age categories?

We examined gender adaptation effects for the faces of children and adults and measured the transfer of these effects across age categories. Face gender adaptation is defined by a bias to classify the gender of a gender-neutral face to be opposite to that of an adapting face. An androgynous face, for example, appears male following adaptation to a female face. Participants adapted to male or female faces from the two age categories and classified the gender of morphed adult and child faces from a male–female morph trajectory. Gender adaptation effects were found for children's and adults’ faces and for the transfer between the age categories. The size of these effects was comparable when participants adapted to adult faces and identified the gender of either adult or child faces, and when participants adapted to child faces and identified the gender of child faces. A smaller adaptation effect was found when participants adapted to a child's face but identified the gender of an adult's face. The results indicate an interconnected and partially shared representation of the gender information for child and adult faces. The lack of symmetry in adaptation transfer between child and adult faces suggests that adaptation to adult faces is more effective than adaptation to child faces in activating a gender representation that generalizes across age categories.     

An own-age bias in age estimation of faces

IntroductionAge estimation performances may be influenced by group biases.ObjectiveThis study investigated whether we are more accurate at estimating the age of people from one's own-age than the age of younger or older people.MethodChildren, young and older adults’ performances at estimating both in-group and out-group faces were compared.ResultsA significant “Age of participants” × “Age of face stimuli” interaction was revealed. Moreover, the age of children's faces was more accurately estimated than the age of young and older adults’ faces by the three groups of participants.ConclusionThe present results revealed the occurrence of an own-age bias for children, young and older adults in age estimation. Several explanations to this own-age effect are discussed.     

Representing young and older adult faces: Shared or age-specific prototypes?

ABSTRACT

Young adults recognize young adult faces more accurately than older adult faces and are more sensitive to how individual young faces deviate from a norm/prototype. Here we used an adaptation paradigm to examine whether young and older adult faces are represented by separable norms and the extent to which the coding dimensions for these two categories overlap. In Experiment 1, following adaptation to oppositely distorted young and older faces (e.g., expanded young and compressed older faces), adults’ normality judgments simultaneously shifted in opposite directions for the two face categories, providing evidence for separable norms. In Experiment 2, participants were adapted to distorted faces from a single age category (e.g., compressed young); aftereffects transferred across face age but were larger for the face age that matched adaptation. Collectively, these results provide evidence that young and older faces are processed with regard to separable norms that share some underlying coding dimensions.     

Face recognition as a predictor of social cognitive ability: Effects of emotion and race on face processing

The human face conveys important social signals when people interact in social contexts. The current study investigated the relationship between face recognition and emotional intelligence, and how societal factors of emotion and race influence people's face recognition. Participants’ recognition accuracy, reaction time, sensitivity, and response bias were measured to examine their face‐processing ability. Fifty Caucasian undergraduates (38 females, 12 males; average age = 21.76 years) participated in a face recognition task in which they discriminated previously presented target faces from novel distractor faces. A positive correlation between participants’ emotional intelligence scores and their performance on the face recognition task was observed, suggesting that face recognition ability was associated with emotional or social intelligence. Additionally, Caucasian participants recognized happy faces better than angry or neutral faces. It was also observed that people recognized Asian faces better than Caucasian ones, which appears to be contradictory to the classic other‐race effect. The present study suggests that some societal factors could influence face processing, and face recognition ability could in turn predict social intelligence.     

Adaptation and the perception of facial age

We examined how the perceived age of adult faces is affected by adaptation to younger or older adult faces. Observers viewed images of a synthetic male face simulating ageing over a modelled range from 15 to 65 years. Age was varied by changing shape cues or textural cues. Age level was varied in a staircase to find the observer's subjective category boundary between “old” and “young”. These boundaries were strongly biased by adaptation to the young or old face, with significant aftereffects induced by either shape or textural cues. A further experiment demonstrated comparable aftereffects for photorealistic images of average older or younger adult faces, and found that aftereffects showed some selectivity for a change in gender but also strongly transferred across gender. This transfer shows that adaptation can adjust to the attribute of age somewhat independently of other facial attributes. These findings suggest that perceived age, like many other natural facial dimensions, is highly susceptible to adaptation, and that this adaptation can be carried by both the structural and textural changes that normally accompany facial ageing.     

Holistic processing underlies gender judgments of faces

In three experiments, we investigated whether holistic processing underlies gender judgments about faces. Chinese participants were asked to make gender judgments for inverted, scrambled, or composite faces. Results showed that judgments were dramatically impaired by these manipulations (as compared with performance for normal upright faces), demonstrating three hallmark effects of holistic face processing that have been observed in perception of face identity. Whether the test faces were Chinese or Caucasian showed no effect on holistic processing of gender perception, in contrast to studies of identity analysis. These results suggest that holistic processing is a general mechanism for different aspects of face perception and are consistent with the idea that physiognomic properties that determine the gender of a face are universal, rather than race specific.     

Perceiving age and gender in unfamiliar faces: an fMRI study on face categorization

Efficient processing of unfamiliar faces typically involves their categorization (e.g., into old vs. young or male vs. female). However, age and gender categorization may pose different perceptual demands. In the present study, we employed functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) to compare the activity evoked during age vs. gender categorization of unfamiliar faces. In different blocks, participants performed age and gender classifications for old or young unfamiliar faces (50% female respectively). Both tasks elicited activations in the bilateral fusiform gyri (fusiform face area, FFA) and bilateral inferior occipital gyri (occipital face area, OFA). Importantly, the same stimuli elicited enhanced activation during gender as compared to age categorization. This enhancement was significant in the right FFA and the left OFA, and may be related to increased configural processing. Our findings replicate and extend recent work, and shows that the activation of core components of the face processing network is strongly dependent on task demands.     

基于儒家文化的“帝王相”之民间意象的首次探索

本研究通过评价不同性别二态线索和吸引力的面孔图片来考察儒家文化下人们心中帝王面孔形象。采用FaceGen Modeller 3.1操作面孔性别二态线索,并通过PhotoShop CS5合成面孔材料。研究发现:被试认为女性化的男性面孔比男性化的男性面孔更具"帝王相";低吸引力的女性化男性面孔比高吸引力的女性化男性面孔更具"帝王相";不同性别被试之间的评价无显著差异。上述结果显示,在儒家文化影响下,人们偏好具有女性化面孔特点的帝王。     

Categorising intersectional targets: An “either/and” approach to race- and gender-emotion congruity

Research on the interaction of emotional expressions with social category cues in face processing has focused on whether specific emotions are associated with single-category identities, thus overlooking the influence of intersectional identities. Instead, we examined how quickly people categorise intersectional targets by their race, gender, or emotional expression. In Experiment 1, participants categorised Black and White faces displaying angry, happy, or neutral expressions by either race or gender. Emotion influenced responses to men versus women only when gender was made salient by the task. Similarly, emotion influenced responses to Black versus White targets only when participants categorised by race. In Experiment 2, participants categorised faces by emotion so that neither category was more salient. As predicted, responses to Black women differed from those to both Black men and White women. Thus, examining race and gender separately is insufficient to understanding how emotion and social category cues are processed.     

Greater visual averaging of face identity for own-gender faces

Recent evidence suggests that observers can rapidly form an average representation based on a set of simultaneously presented faces. Here, we replicate this finding and show that the tendency to process sets of faces in terms of an average representation is greater for own-gender faces. Male and female participants viewed sets of four male or female faces before deciding whether or not a subsequently presented single test face had been present in the set. Incorrect endorsement that it was one of the set members was greater when the test face was a morphed average of the four faces than when it was an actual set member, and this effect was strongest when the gender of the faces was the same as the observer’s. The finding that observers were more likely to incorrectly endorse own-gender (vs. other-gender) faces forms an exception to the often reported own-gender advantage in face recognition.     

Is face distinctiveness gender based?

Two experiments were carried out to study the role of gender category in evaluations of face distinctiveness. In Experiment 1, participants had to evaluate the distinctiveness and the femininity-masculinity of real or artificial composite faces. The composite faces were created by blending either faces of the same gender (sexed composite faces, approximating the sexed prototypes) or faces of both genders (nonsexed composite faces, approximating the face prototype). The results show that the distinctiveness ratings decreased as the number of blended faces increased. Distinctiveness and gender ratings did not covary for real faces or sexed composite faces, but they did vary for nonsexed composite faces. In Experiment 2, participants were asked to state which of two composite faces, one sexed and one nonsexed, was more distinctive. Sexed composite faces were selected less often. The results are interpreted as indicating that distinctiveness is based on sexed prototypes. Implications for face recognition models are discussed.     

Adaptation and the perception of facial age

We examined how the perceived age of adult faces is affected by adaptation to younger or older adult faces. Observers viewed images of a synthetic male face simulating ageing over a modelled range from 15 to 65 years. Age was varied by changing shape cues or textural cues. Age level was varied in a staircase to find the observer's subjective category boundary between "old" and "young". These boundaries were strongly biased by adaptation to the young or old face, with significant aftereffects induced by either shape or textural cues. A further experiment demonstrated comparable aftereffects for photorealistic images of average older or younger adult faces, and found that aftereffects showed some selectivity for a change in gender but also strongly transferred across gender. This transfer shows that adaptation can adjust to the attribute of age somewhat independently of other facial attributes. These findings suggest that perceived age, like many other natural facial dimensions, is highly susceptible to adaptation, and that this adaptation can be carried by both the structural and textural changes that normally accompany facial ageing.     

Own- and other-race categorization of faces by race,gender, and age

We investigated how visual experience with faces of a particular race affects subordinate group-level categorizations in Chinese and Israeli participants living in the respective countries. Categorization of faces by race, gender, and age was examined within subjects with participants who had only minimal experience with the other-race faces. As would be predicted by the previously documented other-race advantage effect, both Chinese and Israeli participants classified the race of the face more quickly and more accurately for other-race than for own-race faces. In contrast, the observers’ race did not interact with the race of the rated face either for gender or for age categorization. The absence of these interactions suggests that the physiognomic characteristics that determine the gender and age of a face are universal, rather than race specific. Furthermore, these data suggest that determining the race of a face is not imposed as a first step in face processing, preempting the perception of other category-defining physiognomic characteristics.     

Social categorization and individuation in the own‐age bias

Young adults recognize other young adult faces more accurately than older adult faces, an effect termed the own‐age bias (OAB). The categorization‐individuation model (CIM) proposes that recognition memory biases like the OAB occur as unfamiliar faces are initially quickly categorized. In‐group faces are seen as socially relevant which motivates the processing of individuating facial features. Outgroup faces are processed more superficially with attention to category‐specific information which hinders subsequent recognition. To examine the roles of categorization and individuation in the context of the OAB, participants completed a face recognition task and a speeded age categorization task including young and older adult faces. In the recognition task, half of the participants were given instructions aimed to encourage individuation of other‐age faces. An OAB emerged that was not influenced by individuation instructions, but the magnitude of the OAB was correlated with performance in the categorization task. The larger the categorization advantage for older adult over young adult faces, the larger the OAB. These results support the premise that social categorization processes can affect the subsequent recognition of own‐ and other‐age faces, but do not provide evidence for the effectiveness of individuation instructions in reducing the OAB.     

Face age and sex modulate the other-race effect in face recognition

Faces convey a variety of socially relevant cues that have been shown to affect recognition, such as age, sex, and race, but few studies have examined the interactive effect of these cues. White participants of two distinct age groups were presented with faces that differed in race, age, and sex in a face recognition paradigm. Replicating the other-race effect, young participants recognized young own-race faces better than young other-race faces. However, recognition performance did not differ across old faces of different races (Experiments 1, 2A). In addition, participants showed an other-age effect, recognizing White young faces better than White old faces. Sex affected recognition performance only when age was not varied (Experiment 2B). Overall, older participants showed a similar recognition pattern (Experiment 3) as young participants, displaying an other-race effect for young, but not old, faces. However, they recognized young and old White faces on a similar level. These findings indicate that face cues interact to affect recognition performance such that age and sex information reliably modulate the effect of race cues. These results extend accounts of face recognition that explain recognition biases (such as the other-race effect) as a function of dichotomous ingroup/outgroup categorization, in that outgroup characteristics are not simply additive but interactively determine recognition performance.     

How Much Older Do You Get When a Wrinkle Appears on Your Face? Modifying Age Estimates by Number of Wrinkles

ABSTRACT

The present study investigated the influence of wrinkles on facial age judgments. In Experiment 1, preadolescents, young adults, and middle-aged adults made categorical age judgments for male and female faces. The qualitative (type of wrinkle) and quantitative (density of wrinkles and depth of furrows) contributions of wrinkles were analyzed. Results indicated that the greater the number of wrinkles and the depth of furrows, the older a face was rated. The roles of the gender of the face and the age of the participants were discussed. In Experiment 2, participants performed relative age judgments by comparing pairs of faces. Results revealed that the number of wrinkles had more influence on the perceived facial age than the type of wrinkle. A MDS analysis showed the main dimensions on which participants based their judgments, namely, the number of wrinkles and the depth of furrows. We conclude that the quantitative component is more likely to increase perceived facial age. Nevertheless, other variables, such as the gender of the face and the age of the participants, also seem to be involved in the age estimation process.     

面孔可爱度和客观熟悉度对婴儿面孔注意偏向效应的影响

近年来, 研究发现, 与成人面孔和其他社会性刺激相比, 成人对婴儿面孔表现出更多的注意偏向。本研究利用点探测范式, 结合眼动技术, 探讨了面孔可爱度和熟悉度对婴儿面孔注意偏向效应的影响。行为结果表明, 成人对高可爱度的婴儿面孔的反应时注意偏向更强; 眼动结果发现, 高可爱度的婴儿面孔的首注视时间偏向和总注视时间偏向更强, 表现为注意维持模式, 并且, 这一效应只出现在低熟悉度条件下; 而在可爱度评分上, 高熟悉度的婴儿面孔的可爱度评分显著高于低熟悉度的婴儿面孔。结果表明, 在低熟悉度条件下, 可爱度才会影响成人对婴儿面孔注意偏向效应; 在偏好行为上, 对婴儿面孔的主观评定和观看行为上可能存在分离的情况。     

Age of face matters: Age-group differences in ratings of young and old faces

Young (n = 24) and old (n = 24) participants rated 160 faces of young and old individuals taken from the CAL/PAL Face Database (Minear & Park, 2004) with regard to attractiveness, likeability, distinctiveness, goal orientation, energy, mood, and age. Ratings are reported for each face separately. Further analyses showed that the age groups differed in their ratings of young and old faces. On average, old participants evaluated the faces as more positive (i.e., more attractive, more energetic) than did young participants. In line with research on a negative aging stereotype, old faces were judged as less positive than young faces. They were, for instance, seen as less attractive, less likeable, less distinctive, less growth-oriented, and less energetic. The findings of the present study can serve as a basis for the selection of appropriate facial stimuli in age-comparative studies of face perception, face processing, or memory for faces. All face-specific data are archived at www.psychonomic.org/archive.     

Why are you looking at me? It’s because I’m talking,but mostly because I’m staring or not doing much

Our attention is particularly driven toward faces, especially the eyes, and there is much debate over the factors that modulate this social attentional orienting. Most of the previous research has presented faces in isolation, and we tried to address this shortcoming by measuring people’s eye movements whilst they observe more naturalistic and varied social interactions. Participants’ eye movements were monitored whilst they watched three different types of social interactions (monologue, manual activity, active attentional misdirection), which were either accompanied by the corresponding audio as speech or by silence. Our results showed that (1) participants spent more time looking at the face when the person was giving a monologue, than when he/she was carrying out manual activities, and in the latter case they spent more time fixating on the person’s hands. (2) Hearing speech significantly increases the amount of time participants spent looking at the face (this effect was relatively small), although this was not accounted for by any increase in mouth-oriented gaze. (3) Participants spent significantly more time fixating on the face when direct eye contact was established, and this drive to establish eye contact was significantly stronger in the manual activities than during the monologue. These results highlight people’s strategic top-down control over when they attend to faces and the eyes, and support the view that we use our eyes to signal non-verbal information.