Does eye contact increase counsellor-client rapport?

Data from nine counselling interviews (M length = 48 minutes) were examined for the relationship between counsellor eye contact and client-perceived rapport Using the Standardized Client procedure previously reported (Sharpley, Guidara & Rowley, 1994), minute-by-minute ratings of rapport were made by the client, and later collapsed to give mean values for eye contact for ‘moderate’ versus ‘very high’ rapport minutes. There were no significant overall differences in the frequency of eye contact across these two sets of minutes. In an additional exploratory analysis of the data, the frequencies of eye contact for moderate versus very high rapport minutes were plotted across all minutes of the interviews. These data revealed two distinct patterns of usage, enabling some hypotheses to be drawn regarding the effective use of eye contact here. Implications for training and avenues for further research are discussed.     

Are better eye movements an advantage in ball games? A study of prosaccadic and antisaccadic eye movements

The aim of this study was to compare prosaccadic and antisaccadic eye movements of experts in ball sports and controls. In the prosaccadic and antisaccadic task, subjects made saccades respectively towards and away from a suddenly appearing stimulus. By means of infrared-oculography, we compared horizontal eye movements of experts (n=18) and controls (n=20). Experts had shorter overall saccadic latencies, but significantly shorter latencies occurred only on the antisaccade task, not on the prosaccade task. Our findings seem to support the concept that prosaccades and antisaccades have different underlying mechanisms and that expertise in ball games mainly improves antisaccadic performance in terms of latency and variability.     

Is stimulus persistence affected by eye movements?

Summary When an eye movement intervenes between the presentation of a target and a mask, the mask has its effect on material projected on the same retinal position. Davidson, Fox, and Dick (1973) reported, however, that the mask appears to be positioned in real space, a suggestion which implies integration of visible information across the eye movement. The present note argues that their conclusion does not follow from their data.     

A critical eye: Praise directed toward traits increases children’s eye fixations on errors and decreases motivation

Although there is evidence that praise of different types (i.e., generic vs. nongeneric) influences motivation, it is unclear how this occurs. Generic praise (e.g., ??You are smart??) conveys that a child possesses a trait responsible for their performance, whereas nongeneric praise (e.g., ??You worked hard??) conveys that performance is effort-based. Because praise conveys the basis for success, praise may change the interpretation and salience of errors. Specifically, generic praise may highlight the threatening nature of error (i.e., the child does not possess this trait). Because attention is drawn to threats in the environment, we expected generic praise to increase attention to error. We used eyetracking to measure implicit responses to errors (i.e., visual attention: fixation counts and durations) in order to determine the relation between visual attention and verbal reports of motivation (persistence and self-evaluations) in 30 four- to seven-year-old children. Children first saw pictures attributed to them, for which they received either generic or nongeneric praise. The children then saw pictures attributed to them that contained errors??that is, missing features. As a pretest and posttest, the children saw pictures that were ??drawn by other children,?? half of which contained errors. The results indicated that children who received generic praise (??you are a good drawer??) produced more and longer fixations on errors, both their ??own?? and on ??other children??s,?? than did children who received nongeneric praise (??you did a good job drawing??). More fixations on errors were related to lower persistence and lower self-evaluations. These results suggest that generic praise increases attention to errors because error threatens the possession of a positive trait.     

Action–effect associations revealed by eye movements

We move our eyes not only to get information, but also to supply information to our fellows. The latter eye movements can be considered as goal-directed actions to elicit changes in our counterparts. In two eye-tracking experiments, participants looked at neutral faces that changed facial expression 100 ms after the gaze fell upon them. We show that participants anticipate a change in facial expression and direct their first saccade more often to the mouth region of a neutral face about to change into a happy one and to the eyebrows region of a neutral face about to change into an angry expression. Moreover, saccades in response to facial expressions are initiated more quickly to the position where the expression was previously triggered. Saccade–effect associations are easily acquired and are used to guide the eyes if participants freely select where to look next (Experiment 1), but not if saccades are triggered by external stimuli (Experiment 2).     

Perceptual comparisons through the mind’s eye

Memory & Cognition - Four experiments tested a theory of memory and cognition which assumes that verbal and nonverbal information are processed in functionally distinct LTM systems. Subjects...     

Seeking one’s heading through eye movements

A study of eye movements during simulated travel toward a grove of four stationary trees revealed that observers looked most at pairs of trees that converged or decelerated apart. Such pairs specify that one’s direction of travel, calledheading, is to the outside of the near member of the pair. Observers looked at these trees more than those that accelerated apart; such pairs do not offer trustworthy heading information. Observers also looked at gaps between trees less often when they converged or diverged apart, and heading can never be between such pairs. Heading responses were in accord with eye movements. In general, if observers responded accurately, they had looked at trees that converged or decelerated apart; if they were inaccurate, they had not. Results support the notion that observers seek out their heading through eye movements, saccading to and fixating on the most informative locations in the field of view.     

Ahad Ha-'Am — in the eye of the storm

This essay is based on a larger work, The Emergence of the Jewish State, which I am co-authoring with Ben Halpern.     

Is eye dominance a part of generalized laterality?

The laterality of eye and limb do not appear to be generally correlated as measured in 160 observers using a graded index. Sex differences emerge indicating more consistent eye and limb preferences as well as stronger eye dominance scores in male subjects. In addtiion, better consistency is found for right-eye dominants than for left. This pattern of results permits some inferences to be made about the role of the environment in determining the dominant eye and hand.     

Is eye gaze direction always determined without intent?

It is widely assumed that processing of gaze direction occurs “automatically,” in the sense that it is reflexive (unfolds in the absence of intention). We assessed this view in a task in which participants saw a schematic face in which the eyes were gazing left or right, along with a second directional target (an arrow in Experiment 1; a directional word in Experiment 2). The eyes and other directional target were sometimes congruent and other times incongruent. On each trial, participants were cued with a tone to respond to either the direction the eyes were gazing, or the direction the noneye target indicated. The time between the onset of the task cue and the onset of the face was manipulated so that on half the trials the face and the cue were presented at the same time. Regardless of the type of target, the congruency effect was the same size at the zero SOA as it was at the 750 SOA, suggesting that eyes were not processed until participants knew what task to perform. These results are consistent with the claim that processing of gaze direction is, at least some of the time, secondary to an intent (i.e., it is not reflexive).     

Do common systems control eye movements and motion extrapolation?

People are able to judge the current position of occluded moving objects. This operation is known as motion extrapolation. It has previously been suggested that motion extrapolation is independent of the oculomotor system. Here we revisited this question by measuring eye position while participants completed two types of motion extrapolation task. In one task, a moving visual target travelled rightwards, disappeared, then reappeared further along its trajectory. Participants discriminated correct reappearance times from incorrect (too early or too late) with a two-alternative forced-choice button press. In the second task, the target travelled rightwards behind a visible, rectangular occluder, and participants pressed a button at the time when they judged it should reappear. In both tasks, performance was significantly different under fixation as compared to free eye movement conditions. When eye movements were permitted, eye movements during occlusion were related to participants' judgements. Finally, even when participants were required to fixate, small changes in eye position around fixation (<2°) were influenced by occluded target motion. These results all indicate that overlapping systems control eye movements and judgements on motion extrapolation tasks. This has implications for understanding the mechanism underlying motion extrapolation.     

For the mind’s eye the world is two-dimensional

The nature of visual mental images is a topic that has puzzled neuroscientists, psychologists, and philosophers alike. On the one hand, mental images might preserve the 3-D properties of our perceptual world. On the other hand, they might be akin to 2-D pictures, such as photographs, paintings, or drawings. In the present study, 16 observers judged where real objects (Experiment 1) or photographs thereof (Experiment 2) were pointing. Both experiments contained a perception condition and an imagery condition. In Experiment 1, there was a significant difference between the pointing errors in the perception and the imagery conditions, whereas there was no such difference in Experiment 2. In imagined objects, actual photographs, and imagined photographs, the direction in which the objects pointed followed the observer, regardless of his or her vantage point. The results from this study extend the rotation effect, typically found in pictures, to the domain of mental imagery. We found the rotation effect in pictures and mental images alike, but not in direct perception of 3-D objects; thus, we provide evidence that mental images share main characteristics of 2-D pictures.     

All in the mind's eye? Anger rumination and reappraisal

Research on rumination has demonstrated that compared with distraction, rumination intensifies and prolongs negative emotion. However, rumination and distraction differ both in what one thinks about and how one thinks about it. Do the negative outcomes of rumination result from how people think about negative events or simply that they think about them at all? To address this question, participants in 2 studies recalled a recent anger-provoking event and then thought about it in 1 of 2 ways: by ruminating or by reappraising. The authors examined the impact of these strategies on subsequent ratings of anger experience (Study 1) as well as on perseverative thinking and physiological responding over time (Study 2). Relative to reappraisal, rumination led to greater anger experience, more cognitive perseveration, and greater sympathetic nervous system activation. These findings provide compelling new evidence that how one thinks about an emotional event can shape the emotional response one has.     

Adults’ number-line estimation strategies: Evidence from eye movements

Although the development of number-line estimation ability is well documented, little is known of the processes underlying successful estimators’ mappings of numerical information onto spatial representations during these tasks. We tracked adults’ eye movements during a number-line estimation task to investigate the processes underlying number-to-space translation, with three main results. First, eye movements were strongly related to the target number’s location, and early processing measures directly predicted later estimation performance. Second, fixations and estimates were influenced by the size of the first number presented, indicating that adults calibrate their estimates online. Third, adults’ number-line estimates demonstrated patterns of error consistent with the predictions of psychophysical models of proportion estimation, and eye movement data predicted the specific error patterns we observed. These results support proportion-based accounts of number-line estimation and suggest that adults’ translation of numerical information into spatial representations is a rapid, online process.     

‘Random’ saccadic eye movements during verbal-linguistic and visual-imaginal tasks

Previous research has suggested that questions eliciting visual imagery are associated with lower rates of saccadic eye movements as compared to questions eliciting verbal processes. Two experiments reported here examined the roles of external visual stimulation and speech output in this effect. In both experiments, questions designed to elicit verbal-linguistic or visual-imaginal processing, and which required either syntactically complex or simple responses, were administered while eye movements were recorded by electrooculography. In experiment 1, 42 subjects responded while viewing either the interviewer's face or a gray oval on a video monitor. Imaginal questions elicited a lower rate of eye movements than did verbal questions regardless of the display on the monitor. In experiment 2, 17 subjects responded in conditions of light and darkness. Imaginal questions elicited lower rates of eye movements in both light and dark. Neither cognitive mode nor speech output requirements interacted with stimulus conditions in either experiment. The failure of visual conditions to influence the verbal-imaginal difference in eye movement rate is viewed as inconsistent with a visual interference interpretation of the relationship of eye movements to cognitive activity. Alternate interpretations are discussed.     

The role of eye movements in the Müller-Lyer illusion

The size of the illusion was found to be unaffected by reducing the exposure of the figures tachistoscopically, or by reducing the size of the figures. The illusion therefore does not seem to be due to eye movements or a tendency to make eye movements.     

Stopping eye and hand movements: are the processes independent?

To explore how eye and hand movements are controlled in a stop task, we introduced effector uncertainty by instructing subjects to initiate and occasionally inhibit eye, hand, or eye + hand movements in response to a color-coded foveal or tone-coded auditory stop signal. Regardless of stop signal modality, stop signal reaction time was shorter for eye movements than for hand movements, but notably did not vary with knowledge about which movement to cancel. Most errors on eye + hand stopping trials were combined eye + hand movements. The probability and latency of signal respond eye and hand movements corresponded to predictions of Logan and Cowan's (1984) race model applied to each effector independently.     

What are you looking at? Acuity for triadic eye gaze

The authors measured observers' ability to determine direction of gaze toward an object in space. In Experiment 1, they determined the difference threshold for determining whether a live "looker" was looking to the left or right of a target point. Acuity for eye direction was quite high (approximately 30 s arc). Viewing the movement of the looker's eyes did not improve acuity. When one of the looker's eyes was occluded, the observers' acuity was disrupted and their point of subjective equality was shifted away from the exposed eye. Experiment 2 was a replication of Experiment 1, but digitized gaze displays were used. The results of Experiment 3 showed that the acuity for direction of gaze depended on the position of the looker's target. Overall, the results indicated that humans are highly sensitive to gaze direction and that information from both eyes is used to determine direction of regard.     

The effect of drivers’ eye contact on pedestrians’ perceived safety

Many fatal accidents that involve pedestrians occur at road crossings, and are attributed to a breakdown of communication between pedestrians and drivers. Thus, it is important to investigate how forms of communication in traffic, such as eye contact, influence crossing decisions. Thus far, there is little information about the effect of drivers’ eye contact on pedestrians’ perceived safety to cross the road. Existing studies treat eye contact as immutable, i.e., it is either present or absent in the whole interaction, an approach that overlooks the effect of the timing of eye contact. We present an online crowdsourced study that addresses this research gap. 1835 participants viewed 13 videos of an approaching car twice, in random order, and held a key whenever they felt safe to cross. The videos differed in terms of whether the car yielded or not, whether the car driver made eye contact or not, and the times when the driver made eye contact. Participants also answered questions about their perceived intuitiveness of the driver’s eye contact behavior. The results showed that eye contact made people feel considerably safer to cross compared to no eye contact (an increase in keypress percentage from 31% to 50% was observed). In addition, the initiation and termination of eye contact affected perceived safety to cross more strongly than continuous eye contact and a lack of it, respectively. The car’s motion, however, was a more dominant factor. Additionally, the driver’s eye contact when the car braked was considered intuitive, and when it drove off, counterintuitive. In summary, this study demonstrates for the first time how drivers’ eye contact affects pedestrians’ perceived safety as a function of time in a dynamic scenario and questions the notion in recent literature that eye contact in road interactions is dispensable. These findings may be of interest in the development of automated vehicles (AVs), where the driver of the AV might not always be paying attention to the environment.