On-line syntactic processing under concurrent memory load

Thirty-six university students were tested in a plausibility judgment task using a self-paced listening paradigm under no-interference and two-digit load conditions. Listening times were longer at syntactically more complex portions of syntactically more complex sentences, and greater loads led to increased listening times. However, listening times at syntactically more complex positions in syntactically more complex sentences did not increase more than listening times at comparable positions in syntactically simple sentences under digit load conditions. The results indicate that a concurrent memory load does not reduce the availability of working memory resources used for on-line syntactic processing and, thus, provide evidence that the working memory system used for assigning syntactic structure is separate from that measured by standard working memory tasks.     

Activations of "motor" and other non-language structures during sentence comprehension

In this paper we report the results of an experiment in which subjects read syntactically unambiguous and ambiguous sentences which were disambiguated after several words to the less likely possibility. Understanding such sentences involves building an initial structure, inhibiting the non-preferred structure, detecting that later input is incompatible with the initial structure, and reactivating the alternative structure. The ambiguous sentences activated four areas more than the unambiguous sentences. These areas are the left inferior frontal gyrus (IFG), the right basal ganglia (BG), the right posterior dorsal cerebellum (CB) and the left median superior frontal gyrus (SFG). The left IFG is normally activated when syntactic processing complexity is increased and probably supports that function in the current study as well. We discuss four hypotheses concerning how these areas may support comprehension of syntactically ambiguous sentences. (1) The left IFG, right CB and BG could support articulatory rehearsal used to support the processing of ambiguous sentences. This seems unlikely since the activation pattern associated with articulatory rehearsal in other studies is not similar to that seen here. (2) The CB acts as an error detector in motor processing. Error detection is important for recognizing that the wrong sentence structure has been chosen initially. (3) The BG acts to select and sequence movements in the motor domain and in cognitive domains may serve to inhibit competing and completed plans which is not unlike inhibiting the initially non-preferred structure or "unchoosing" the initial choice when incompatible syntactic input is received. (4) The left median SFG is relevant for the evaluation of plausibility. Evaluating the plausibility of the two possibilities provides an important basis for choosing between them. The notion of the use of domain general cognitive processes to support a linguistic process is in line with recent suggestions that the a given area may subserve a specific cognitive task because it carries out an appropriate sort of computation rather than because it supports a specific cognitive domain.     

Effects of syntactic prominence on eye movements during reading

Three experiments explored whether patterns of eye movements during reading might help explain syntactic prominence effects that are typically observed using reaction time tasks. Participants read sentences in which target words were in syntactically prominent or syntactically less prominent positions. Across all three experiments, using three types of syntactic prominence manipulations, there were fewer fixations and shorter reading times for words in more prominent positions, indicating that enhanced accessibility of syntactically prominent words is not caused by increased processing time. Rather, syntactic prominence appears to facilitate early encoding/lexical access and sentence integration processes while also, as shown previously, increasing activation of concepts in a comprehender’s sentence or discourse representation. We propose that enhanced encoding and sentence integration processes can be attributed to an increase in attentional resources for more prominent concepts, and that this increase derives from readers’ immediate sensitivity to informational prominence contours that are signaled by syntax.     

Distinct Neurophysiological Patterns Reflecting Aspects of Syntactic Complexity and Syntactic Repair

Aspects of syntactic complexity and syntactic repair were investigated by comparing the event-related (brain) potentials (ERPs) for sentences of different syntactic complexity to those containing a syntactic violation. Previous research had shown that both aspects of syntactic processing are reflected in a late positivity (P600). Results from the present reading experiment demonstrate, however, that although both processing aspects elicit a late positivity, they are different in distribution. The repair-related positivity preceded by a negativity displayed a centroparietal distribution, whereas the complexity-related positivity showed a frontocentral scalp distribution. These data indicate that the P600 is not a unitary phenomenon. Moreover, the distributional differences strongly suggest that different neural structures underlie the two aspects of processing, namely syntactic repair and syntactic integration difficulties, most evident when processing syntactically complex sentences.     

Ambiguity in the brain: what brain imaging reveals about the processing of syntactically ambiguous sentences

Two fMRI studies investigated the time course and amplitude of brain activity in language-related areas during the processing of syntactically ambiguous sentences. In Experiment 1, higher levels of activation were found during the reading of unpreferred syntactic structures as well as more complex structures. In Experiments 2A and 2B higher levels of brain activation were found for ambiguous sentences compared with unambiguous sentences matched for syntactic complexity, even when the ambiguities were resolved in favor of the preferred syntactic construction (despite the absence of this difference in previous reading time results). Although results can be reconciled with either serial or parallel models of sentence parsing, they arguably fit better into the parallel framework. Serial models can admittedly be made consistent but only by including a parallel component. The fMRI data indicate the involvement of a parallel component in syntactic parsing that might be either a selection mechanism or a construction of multiple parses.     

The Effects of Syntactic Complexity on Processing Sentences in Noise

This paper discusses the influence of stationary (non-fluctuating) noise on processing and understanding of sentences, which vary in their syntactic complexity (with the factors canonicity, embedding, ambiguity). It presents data from two RT-studies with 44 participants testing processing of German sentences in silence and in noise. Results show a stronger impact of noise on the processing of structurally difficult than on syntactically simpler parts of the sentence. This may be explained by a combination of decreased acoustical information and an increased strain on cognitive resources, such as working memory or attention, which is caused by noise. The noise effect for embedded sentences is less than for non-embedded sentences, which may be explained by a benefit from prosodic information.     

Dissociable patterns of brain activity during comprehension of rapid and syntactically complex speech: evidence from fMRI

Sentence comprehension is a complex task that involves both language-specific processing components and general cognitive resources. Comprehension can be made more difficult by increasing the syntactic complexity or the presentation rate of a sentence, but it is unclear whether the same neural mechanism underlies both of these effects. In the current study, we used event-related functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) to monitor neural activity while participants heard sentences containing a subject-relative or object-relative center-embedded clause presented at three different speech rates. Syntactically complex object-relative sentences activated left inferior frontal cortex across presentation rates, whereas sentences presented at a rapid rate recruited frontal brain regions such as anterior cingulate and premotor cortex, regardless of syntactic complexity. These results suggest that dissociable components of a large-scale neural network support the processing of syntactic complexity and speech presented at a rapid rate during auditory sentence processing.     

Localization of Syntactic Comprehension by Positron Emission Tomography

Positron Emission Tomography (PET) was used to determine regional cerebral blood flow (rCBF) when eight normal right-handed males read and made acceptability judgments about sentences. rCBF was greater in Broca's area (particularly in the pars opercularis) when subjects judged the semantic plausibility of syntactically more complex sentences as compared to syntactically less complex sentences. rCBF was greater in left perisylvian language areas when subjects had to decide whether sentences were semantically plausible than when subjects had to decide whether syntactically identical sentences contained a nonsense word. The results of this experiment suggest that overall sentence processing occurs in regions of the left perisylvian association cortex. The results also provide evidence that one particular aspect of sentence processing (the process that corresponds to the greater difficulty of comprehending center-embedded than right-branching relative clause sentences) is centered in the pars opercularis of Broca's area. This process is likely to be related to the greater memory load associated with processing center-embedded sentences.     

Memory-load interference in syntactic processing

Participants remembered a short set of words while reading syntactically complex sentences (object–extracted clefts) and syntactically simpler sentences (subject–extracted clefts) in a memory–load study. The study also manipulated whether the words in the set and the words in the sentence were of matched or unmatched types (common nouns vs. proper names). Performance in sentence comprehension was worse for complex sentences than for simpler sentences, and this effect was greater when the type of words in the memory load matched the type of words in the sentence. These results indicate that syntactic processing is not modular, instead suggesting that it relies on working memory resources that are used for other nonsyntactic processes. Further, the results indicate that similarity–based interference is an important constraint on information processing that can be overcome to some degree during language comprehension by using the coherence of language to construct integrated representations of meaning.     

The influence of prosodic structure on the resolution of temporary syntactic closure ambiguities

This paper investigates the influence of prosodic structure on the process of sentence comprehension, with a specific focus on the relative contributions of syntactic and prosodic information to the resolution of temporary syntactic closure ambiguities. We argue that prosodic structure provides an initial memory representation for spoken sentences, and that information from this prosodic representation is available to inform syntactic parsing decisions. This view makes three predictions for the processing of temporary syntactic ambiguity: 1. When prosodic and syntactic boundaries coincide, syntactic processing should be facilitated. 2. When prosodic boundaries are placed at misleading points in syntactic structure, syntactic processing should show interference effects. 3. The processing difficulties that have been reliably demonstrated in reading experiments for syntactically complex sentences should disappear when those sentences are presented with a felicitous prosodic structure in listening experiments. These predictions were confirmed by series of experiments measuring end-of-sentence comprehension time and cross-modal naming time for sentences with temporary syntactic closure ambiguities. Sentences with coinciding or conflicting prosodic and syntactic boundaries were compared to a prosodic baseline condition.This research was supported in part by NIMH grant R29 MH51768 to the first author and NIMH grant T32 MH19729 to the Northeastern University Psychology Department.     

Eye movements of young and older adults during reading

The eye movements of young and older adults were tracked as they read sentences varying in syntactic complexity. In Experiment 1, cleft object and object relative clause sentences were more difficult to process than cleft subject and subject relative clause sentences; however, older adults made many more regressions, resulting in increased regression path fixation times and total fixation times, than young adults while processing cleft object and object relative clause sentences. In Experiment 2, older adults experienced more difficulty than young adults while reading cleft and relative clause sentences with temporary syntactic ambiguities created by deleting the that complementizers. Regression analyses indicated that readers with smaller working memories need more regressions and longer fixation times to process cleft object and object relative clause sentences. These results suggest that age-associated declines in working memory do affect syntactic processing.     

The consequences of reduced memory span for the comprehension of semantic versus syntactic information

Aphasic patients with restricted memory spans were assessed on their comprehension of syntactically simple sentences varying in numbers of content words and on their comprehension of sentences matched in content words but varying in syntactic complexity. Three different presentation modes were used: unlimited visual presentation, limited visual presentation, and auditory presentation. The difference between performance in the unlimited and limited modes was used as a measure of the extent to which memory decrements caused comprehension failure. These difference scores were related to memory span in order to assess whether the memory involved in sentence processing overlaps that assessed by a memory span task. For the sentences varying in number of content words, performance was worse for the limited presentation modes than the unlimited mode, and the difference between unlimited and limited presentation modes was highly related to memory span. For the sentences varying in syntactic complexity, there was no clear reduction in performance for limited presentation modes, and the difference scores did not relate to memory span. The results support the view that the processing of sentences with many content words draws on the short-term memory capacity assessed by memory span, while the processing of syntactic complexity does not.     

Determinants of Scanpath Regularity in Reading

Scanpaths have played an important role in classic research on reading behavior. Nevertheless, they have largely been neglected in later research perhaps due to a lack of suitable analytical tools. Recently, von der Malsburg and Vasishth (2011) proposed a new measure for quantifying differences between scanpaths and demonstrated that this measure can recover effects that were missed with the traditional eyetracking measures. However, the sentences used in that study were difficult to process and scanpath effects accordingly strong. The purpose of the present study was to test the validity, sensitivity, and scope of applicability of the scanpath measure, using simple sentences that are typically read from left to right. We derived predictions for the regularity of scanpaths from the literature on oculomotor control, sentence processing, and cognitive aging and tested these predictions using the scanpath measure and a large database of eye movements. All predictions were confirmed: Sentences with short words and syntactically more difficult sentences elicited more irregular scanpaths. Also, older readers produced more irregular scanpaths than younger readers. In addition, we found an effect that was not reported earlier: Syntax had a smaller influence on the eye movements of older readers than on those of young readers. We discuss this interaction of syntactic parsing cost with age in terms of shifts in processing strategies and a decline of executive control as readers age. Overall, our results demonstrate the validity and sensitivity of the scanpath measure and thus establish it as a productive and versatile tool for reading research.     

Illiteracy and brain damage. 2. Manifestations of unilateral neglect in testing "auditory comprehension" with iconographic materials

This report concerns the sentence-picture matching behavior of 100 neurologically healthy and 169 brain-damaged subjects, all of whom were unilingual adult right-handers. Within this population, 144 subjects were totally unschooled illiterates and the remaining 125 had received school education and thereafter had retained writing skills and reading habits. Brain-damaged subjects were tested less than 2 months after a first left- or right-hemisphere stroke. All subjects were administered an aphasia screening battery including, among other subtests, a set of six sentence-picture matching stimuli. For each of these six stimuli, subjects heard a sentence uttered by the examiner and were then requested to match this sentence with one of four drawings presented within a single display divided into four quadrants of equal surface. Three sentences were syntactically "simple" (noun subject + verb) and three were relatively more "complex" (noun subject + verb + one or two noun complements). Evidence of unilateral neglect was found in both left- and right-brain-damaged illiterates and literates. Moreover, the right neglect of left-brain-damaged subjects was manifest mostly when target sentences were relatively "complex" whereas the left neglect of right-brain-damaged subjects was manifest irrespective of the syntactic complexity of target sentences. Our data are interpreted as indicative of an interaction between two cognitive disorders resulting from dysfunctions of asymmetrically represented cognitive mechanisms. The implications of these findings with respect to clinical and research aphasia testing are discussed.     

Readers' Eye Movements Distinguish Anomalies of Form and Content

Evidence is presented that eye-movement patterns during reading distinguish costs associated with the syntactic processing of sentences from costs associated with relating sentence meaning to real world probabilities. Participants (N = 30) read matching sets of sentences that differed by a single word, making the sentence syntactically anomalous (but understandable), pragmatically anomalous, or non-anomalous. Syntactic and pragmatic anomaly each caused perturbations in eye movements. Subsequent to the anomaly, the patterns diverged. Syntactic anomaly generated many regressions initially, with rapid return to baseline. Pragmatic anomaly resulted in lengthened reading times, followed by a gradual increase in regressions that reached a maximum at the end of the sentence. Evidence of rapid sensitivity to pragmatic information supports the use of timing data in resolving the debate over the autonomy of linguistic processing. The divergent patterns of eye movements support indications from neurocognitive studies of a principled distinction between syntactic and pragmatic processing procedures within the language processing mechanism.     

Syntactic comprehension deficits in Alzheimer's disease

Syntactic comprehension of German patients with dementia of the Alzheimer type was investigated and compared to healthy controls matched with respect to age, sex, and education. Special attention was directed at syntactic structures, which, in contrast to a language like English, are feasible in a grammatically rich language like German. In a sentence picture matching paradigm, only semantically reversible sentences were used. Syntactic complexity ranged from simple active voice sentences to more complex sentences like center-embedded object relative sentences. In comparison to their controls, patients showed a deficit in nearly all categories. Their performance was not influenced by age, but was heavily influenced by the degree of cognitive impairment. Patients with mild cognitive impairment, as defined by a MMSE score of 20 or higher, showed only slight difficulties in syntactic processing, whereas patients with moderate to severe impairment (MMSE < 20) did not perform above chance limits in most syntactic categories. It appears as though syntactic comprehension is only mildly affected in the early stages of Alzheimer's disease and is rather severely impaired in more advanced stages. In the present report, results are discussed in terms of working memory demands for syntactic processing.     

Verbal working memory and on-line syntactic processing: Evidence from self-paced listening

Two experiments investigated the relationship between performance on standard tests of verbal working-memory and the on-line construction of syntactic form. In Experiment 1, working-memory was measured in 100 college students on a version of the Daneman and Carpenter (1980) reading-span task, and online syntactic processing was assessed using a self-paced listening task with four sentence types. In Experiment 2, working-memory was measured in 48 college students on two versions of the reading-span task and two other tests of verbal working-memory, and on-line syntactic processing was assessed using the self-paced listening task with an additional sentence type. In both experiments, there was no relationship between working-memory capacity and the increase in processing time seen for the on-line construction of syntactic form for either syntactically more complex or syntactically simpler sentences. The results indicate that the capacity of the working-memory system that is measured by standard working-memory tests does not determine the efficiency of on-line syntactic processing. They are consistent with the view that the working-memory system used for parsing is at least partially separate from that measured by traditional measures of working-memory capacity.     

The misinterpretation of noncanonical sentences

Research on language comprehension has focused on the resolution of syntactic ambiguities, and most studies have employed garden-path sentences to determine the system's preferences and to assess its use of nonsyntactic sources information. A topic that has been neglected is how syntactically challenging but essentially unambiguous sentences are processed, including passives and object-clefts--sentences that require thematic roles to be assigned in an atypical order. The three experiments described here tested the idea that sentences are processed both algorithmically and heuristically. Sentences were presented aurally and the participants' task was to identify the thematic roles in the sentence (e.g., Who was the do-er?). The first experiment demonstrates that passives are frequently and systematically misinterpreted, especially when they express implausible ideas. The second shows that the surface frequency of a syntactic form does not determine ease of processing, as active sentences and subject-clefts were comprehended equally easily despite the rareness of the latter type. The third experiment compares the processing of subject- and object-clefts, and the results show that they are similar to actives and passives, respectively, again despite the infrequent occurrence in English of any type of cleft. The results of the three experiments suggest that a comprehensive theory of language comprehension must assume that simple processing heuristics are used during processing in addition to (and perhaps sometimes instead of) syntactic algorithms. Moreover, the experiments support the idea that language processing is often based on shallow processing, yielding a merely "good enough" rather than a detailed linguistic representation of an utterance's meaning.