The Fragility of Consensus: Public Reason,Diversity and Stability

John Rawls's transition from A Theory of Justice to Political Liberalism was driven by his rejection of Theory's account of stability. The key to his later account of stability is the idea of public reason. We see Rawls's account of stability as an attempt to solve a mutual assurance problem. We maintain that Rawls's solution fails because his primary assurance mechanism, in the form of public reason, is fragile. His conception of public reason relies on a condition of consensus that we argue is unrealistic in modern, pluralistic democracies. After rejecting Rawls's conception of public reason, we offer an ‘indirect alternative’ that we believe is much more robust. We cite experimental evidence to back up this claim.     

Mobile Communication and Civil Society: Linking Patterns and Places of Use to Engagement with Others in Public

This study examined whether and how mobile communication influences the extent to which one engages with new people in public settings. Contrary to our expectation, general use of the technology in public did not detract from conversing with strangers. Shifting focus from where one uses the mobile phone to how it is used, we found that uses for coordination and news each lead to increased conversations with strangers in public settings, while relational use detracted from them. The findings also reveal an interactive effect such that those who use mobile technology for news and frequently use it in public were more likely to engage with strangers in public. The discussion offers interpretation of the findings and directions for future research.     

Effects of voice and similarity on procedural fairness and trust: A dual process model of public acceptance based on representatives’ participation

In citizen participation, a few representatives of the total citizen population participate in discussions with authorities regarding public decisions and policies. The present study examines a dual process model in which the representatives’ voice and similarity of values facilitate public acceptance through procedural fairness and trust in representatives, respectively. The results of an experiment employing a scenario method, which included participants from Japan (n = 211) and the Netherlands (n = 200), indicate that the representatives’ voice increased procedural fairness and public acceptance when the similarity of representatives was high. The effects of representatives’ voice on public acceptance via procedural fairness was supported in both nations, while other effects of representatives’ similarity on acceptance via trust were indicated only in Japan. These results suggest that the indirect voice of citizens, as conveyed by representatives, plays an important role in increasing perceptions of procedural fairness and public acceptance among citizens.     

The Fallacy of the Private-Public Self-Focus Distinction

ABSTRACT Taking the distinction between Aristotelian and Galilean modes of thought (Lewin, 1931) as a background, the bifurcation of the self-focus concept into “private” and “public” types of self-focus is discussed critically A theoretical connection between the private-public distinction and other central concepts within the self-awareness literature is found to be lacking Further, it is found that (a) the relation between the theoretical definitions of “private” and “public” and their respective empirical definitions is not explicated, that (b) the public half of the dichotomy does not involve a focus of attention toward or away from the self, and perhaps most important, that (c) the conceptual work surrounding the private-public distinction illustrates how an Aristotelian approach to theorizing prevents the raising of pertinent questions     

Justice, instruction, and the good: The case for public education in Aristotle and Plato'sLaws

This paper develops an interpretation and analysis of the arguments for public education which open Book VIII of Aristotle'sPolitics, drawing on both the wider Aristotelian corpus and on examination of continuities with Plato'sLaws. Part III: Sections VIII-XI examine the two arguments which Aristotle adduces in support of the claim that education should be provided through a public system. The first of these arguments concerns the need to unify society through education for friendship and the sharing of a common end. Several versions of his second argument are considered, and the most promising of them is elaborated in connection with an examination of the links between instruction and legislation in theLaws. This yields what is probably the most compelling argument there is for the claim that public supervision of education is anecessary condition for a just society.     

A Simple Measure of Interviewer and Interviewee Speech Durations

A hypothesis that peer pressure affects delay-of-gratification behavior was tested by comparing the private vs. public responses of Cree children to the offer of an immediate reward or a larger delayed reward. One group of children was twice tested in private. Another group was first tested in private and then in public. In both testings approximately 65% of the control group chose an immediate reward. The experimental group, however, although preferring an immediate reward in private, in public elected to go along with the choices of their classmates, many reversing themselves and choosing a delayed rather than immediate reward.     

公共哲学的探索

The more diverse cultures and values a country perceives to be “normal” even “just”, the more it needs to search for a public philosophy. Having developed only recently, China, which is speedily progressing towards a market economy, can be considered this kind of country. This article takes Daniel Bell’s concept of modern society and public household as the basis for expatiating on some chief problems and the ways to solve them. It pays special attention to investigating the public ethic while probing public philosophy, and it argues that the public ethic is an ethic that deals with public affairs in the public realm, especially the social political realm; with respect to all people involved, it is a common ethic or an ethic with openness. It is also an ethic that appeals to public opinion and public reason, and tries to find consensus from the demands of different values. Furthermore, because it refers to fundamental public benefits, it has to be a normative ethic of universalism and of baseline holders. Translated by Su Jing from Zhexue Dongtai 哲学动态 (Philosophical Trends), 2005, (8): 3–8     

Public perception of the professional titles used within psychological services

Background and aim: There have been several calls for adopting an empirical approach investigating public opinion concerning the differentiation between the professional titles ‘counsellor’ and ‘psychotherapist’. The present research makes a first step to addressing this issue. Method: Sixteen interviewers, recruited across the UK, interviewed 450 members of the public in 57 UK district codes. Age, gender and education were monitored for sampling purposes. Results: The findings indicated that around two thirds of the public perceive the professional title ‘counsellor’ to be distinct from the professional titles ‘psychotherapist’ and ‘psychological therapist’ and for these latter two titles to be almost identical. About one third of the public perceive the opposite trend, and one tenth is undecided whether these professional titles are distinct or indistinct. Conclusion: These results have implications for the debate concerning the structure of the Health Professions Council (HPC) Register in the regulation of counsellors and psychotherapists.     

The Politics of Pears: Augustine on the Ethics of Privative Versus Eucharist Communities

In my essay, I interpret Augustine's Confessions as a political text that portrays Augustine's attempt to find a true community. This search includes a critique of various defective communities that cannot provide the public good necessary for a true public. To show this, I focus on Augustine's account of the pear theft as an example par excellence of a privative community. I examine the story as an account of an inexplicable act of willing against the good that unmakes the will. I then argue that the supposed resolution—that Augustine was willing the good of community—in fact exacerbates the inexplicability of the pear theft. In feasting on iniquity, this community un-makes itself. I conclude by showing how the pear thieves represent a perverted imitation of the eucharistic community, which does not steal but shares the Good and so shares its goods.     

A public versus private administration of the implicit association test

This research includes two experiments that examined (a) whether the assessment situation in which individuals complete an implicit measure of bias alters their responses and (b) whether the hypothesized effect of the assessment situation on implicitly assessed bias reflects socially desirable responding. Participants in Experiment 1 (N = 151) completed an IAT measuring bias toward homosexuality in either a public or a private assessment situation. Consistent with studies of explicitly assessed attitudes, implicitly assessed bias toward homosexuality was significantly lower when assessed in a public versus a private assessment situation. Participants in Experiment 2 (N = 102) completed an IAT measuring bias toward homosexuality in a public assessment situation under a bogus pipeline or no‐bogus pipeline condition. Results indicated that participants' implicitly assessed bias did not significantly differ across these conditions. The authors discuss these findings in terms of possible automatic processes affecting the malleability of implicitly assessed attitudes. Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Empowerment and threat in response to mass protest shape public support for a social movement and social change: A panel study in the context of the Bersih movement in Malaysia

One path to social change is through sustained collective action. Although such actions often explicitly target the public audience to raise support for a movement's cause, we know little about how the public psychologically responds to protests. To examine this question, a sample of Malaysians was surveyed before and immediately after the occurrence of mass street protests in Malaysia (N = 422) using a two-wave longitudinal design. Analyses revealed that (beyond pre-existing levels of movement identity and support for social change) experiencing empowerment in response to the protests promoted a supportive movement identity and more support for social change after the protests, whereas experiencing threat in response to the protests promoted an oppositional movement identity and less support for social change after the protests. This research suggests that the psychological impact of ongoing protests on the public can determine subsequent public support for the movement and its goals.     

The Behavioral Logic of Collective Action: Partisans Cooperate and Punish More Than Nonpartisans

Laboratory experiments indicate that many people willingly contribute to public goods and punish free riders at a personal cost. We hypothesize that these individuals, called strong reciprocators, allow political parties to overcome collective action problems, thereby allowing those organizations to compete for scarce resources and to produce public goods for like‐minded individuals. Using a series of laboratory games, we examine whether partisans contribute to public goods and punish free riders at a greater rate than nonpartisans. The results show that partisans are more likely than nonpartisans to contribute to public goods and to engage in costly punishment. Given the broad theoretical literature on altruistic punishment and group selection as well as our own formal evolutionary model, we hypothesize that it is being a partisan that makes an individual more likely to be a strong reciprocator and not vice versa.     

On Nanotechnology and Ambivalence: The Politics of Enthusiasm

The promise of scientific and technological innovation – particularly in fields such as nanotechnology – is increasingly set against what has been articulated as a deficit in public trust in both the new technologies and regulatory mechanisms. Whilst the development of new technology is cast as providing contributions to both quality of life and national competitiveness, what has been termed a ‘legitimacy crisis’ is seen as threatening the vitality of this process. However in contrast to the risk debates that dominated the technological controversies of the late 1990s the vitality of technological innovation is now cast as vulnerable to lack of public confidence and trust in the regulatory and governance structures upon which such innovation depends. In order to address this deficit in public trust, science policy has increasingly turned to the social sciences, suggesting that public values might be incorporated into the development of nanotechnology at an early stage. Public ambivalence therefore constitutes the problem addressed by the increasingly central role that public engagement and participation play in contemporary science policy. Although the recent proliferation of public engagement activities is premised on the need to address this ambivalence through direct engagement, we re-interpret ambivalence as an engaged – rather than passive – mode of relating to technological determinism. Whilst the move toward forms of direct public engagement might be regarded as symptomatic of the emergence of affective mode of governance we interpret public ambivalence as a nested set of enthusiasms and anxieties. Accordingly we suggest that public engagement might be re-thought, utilising ambivalence as a creative resource, rather than as the problem.

Too Few Tensions, But Not Enough Utopia? Comments on Equality: From Theory to Action

This welcomes Equality: From Theory to Action as an important contribution both to linking egalitarian political philosophy to public policy and as a book which helps communicate a wealth of philosophical ideas in an accessible way to a wide public. On the critical side, it argues that the authors understate some tensions between egalitarianism and pluralism, and that the book’s discussion of egalitarian economic institutions is quite narrow in scope. As a complement and development of this latter discussion, the paper discusses some policy proposals to address inequality of wealth.     

The self in self-handicapping: Differential effects of public and private internal audiences

People self-handicap to satisfy both self-presentational and self-protective motives. The cognitive salience of a public or private audience, as well as the objective public or private situation, determines when each motive dominates. To show this, we manipulated the objective situation separately from the cognitive salience of public and private internal audiences. We hypothesized that in the objectively public situation, people would self-handicap more when focused on a public audience than when focused on a private audience; whereas in the objectively private situation, the reverse would occur. Two studies using different manipulations of audience salience supported the hypothesis. For self-presentational motives to foster self-handicapping, then, the person must not only be in public but must be cognitively focused on the public audience; and for self-protective motives to foster self-handicapping, the person must both be in private and cognitively focused on the private audience.     

Religion in the Nordic Countries: Between Private and Public

A new visibility of religion in public life can be observed in the Nordic countries. This visibility is not due to a popular claim for a return of religion in the public sphere. As research conducted at Uppsala University in Sweden indicates, the visibility of religion in the Nordic countries reflects several concurring factors: the state’s continued relationship with churches and other religions; the growth of new forms of social exclusion drawing religion into public discussions on ethical and social issues; growing religious pluralism prompting political and legal regulation; a spirituality relating to existential issues and issues related to quality of life. The results raise important questions about Nordic modernity. They suggest that religion becomes public in several ways and emerges as an arena that connects the private and the public beyond conventional distinctions.     

Discursive Construction of Political Categories and Moral Fields: God Versus Rights and Access in a Reproductive Health Legislative Debate

Using a discursive lens, we argue that politicians rhetorically construct categories, storylines, and moral fields. We further claim that such discursive products are action‐oriented toward gaining popular support in a public sphere that is politically fault lined along similar moral orders. As a case in point, we analyze speeches delivered during congressional voting on a Reproductive Health bill (RH bill). Employing a mixed methods strategy, we first implement a quantitative lexical analysis of frequently used words, followed by a qualitative detection of cohering storylines on both sides of the debate. Results show that oppositionists mark their speeches with a deployment of the word God, while bill supporters use the word access conspicuously. One storyline claims that The RH bill stands against God, while the other purports that The RH bill advocates rights and access. Although both storylines assert moral righteousness, they invoke two different moral orders backed by power blocs and the public at large. The God story appeals to a Catholic discourse and the moral order loudly supported by the politically powerful Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines. The rights/access narrative references a liberal morality frame maintained by social liberals and Philippine President Aquino. We end our paper by introducing the idea of an intrastate discursive lens to analyze moral fields constructed by politicians, oriented toward winning support from the public at large.     

Perspectives of Homeschoolers Motivated by Religious and Moral Reasons

This study sought to highlight the association between motivation to homeschool and public school enrollment. Homeschooling parents (n?=?1052) across the United States responded to questions from a survey administered online. Logistic regression analysis and the chi-square test showed that homeschooling parents who chose the religious/moral answer option on the survey as the reason to homeschool, were less likely to choose to enroll into a public school program. Qualitatively, the narrative data of religious/moral homeschoolers and their reasons not to enroll in public education provided a number of themes, including quality of the environment (n?=?22) and reasons based on religion and faith (n?=?18). These findings may prove useful for public school officials who desire to know more about how some families make educational decisions.