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1.
大学生精神信仰的现状研究   总被引:18,自引:0,他引:18  
宋兴川  金盛华 《心理科学》2004,27(4):1010-1012
本研究首次关注大学生的精神信仰,通过问卷对1100名大学生调查,发现大学生精神信仰存在如下特点:社会信仰占优势,其次依次为实用信仰和超自然信仰;民族主义、生命崇拜和国家主义位居前三位,宗教信仰、金钱崇拜和神灵崇拜位居后三位。  相似文献   

2.
大学生生活满意度与精神信仰关系的研究   总被引:13,自引:0,他引:13  
对 1 1 0 0名大学生进行生活满意度和精神信仰问卷调查。通过回归分析发现 ,生活满意度与精神信仰存在一定关系 :( 1 )社会发展满意度对神灵崇拜有显著的负向预测作用 ,对政治信仰、民族主义和国家主义信仰有显著的正向预测作用 ;( 2 )物质生活满意度对金钱崇拜有显著的负向预测作用 ;( 3 )社会适应满意度对家族崇拜有显著的负向预测作用。  相似文献   

3.
初中生精神信仰现状研究   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
用问卷法对431名初中生的精神信仰状况进行调查,发现初中生的精神信仰特点如下:(1)总体状况表现为社会信仰最强、实用信仰次之、超自然信仰最弱。在7个信仰维度上的信仰程度由强到弱依次为国家民族、政治信仰、家庭主义、生命崇拜、宗教信仰、金钱物质、神灵崇拜;(2)男生比女生更看重政治信仰和金钱物质,女生比男生具有更高的宗教信仰;(3)初三年级学生的金钱物质和生命崇拜的信仰程度最高,初二年级次之,初一年级最弱;(4)非学生干部比学生干部具有更强的金钱物质信仰;(5)团员的政治信仰程度高于非团员;(6)学习成绩为上等的学生对国家民族的信仰程度高于学习成绩为中等和下等的学生,学习成绩为下等的学生对金钱物质的信仰程度高于学习成绩为上等和中等的学生。  相似文献   

4.
哲学性向、生活事件与精神信仰关系的研究   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
该文从实证的角度,探讨哲学性向、生活事件与精神信仰的关系。研究表明:1)哲学性向对宗教、神灵、金钱、家族崇拜起负向作用;对政治、国家和民族主义起正向作用。2)生活事件对神灵、生命和家庭起负向预测作用;生活事件通过与哲学性向的交互作用对民族信仰起预测作用。  相似文献   

5.
"信仰"本义是相对于"知识"而言,指自愿把某些尚未得到理性或经验证明的观点当真理,特指对宗教神学的信奉,与科学理性精神相对立,后来也转指对"知识"的信奉。宗教信仰中的信仰是本义,政治信仰中的信仰是转义。政治信仰是政治观,宗教信仰是世界观,二者领域不同,但关系复杂(既非并行不悖,也非截然对立)。马克思主义政党的政治信仰建立在辩证唯物论和历史唯物论之上,其科学无神论世界观与以唯心论和形而上学为支柱的宗教有神论世界观是根本对立的。  相似文献   

6.
宗教是历史的产物,也是一种社会意识。它不仅是一种宗教信仰,而且也有一套思想理论、教会组织、教仪教规、崇拜神灵和历史传承等。在社会主义条件下,如何对待宗教?四川大学宗教学研究所名衍丰教授根据列宁关于宗教的精辟论述,深刻指出:在社会主义现代化建设中仍然要紧紧围绕署革命的基本任务来确立我们对待宗教的态度和政策。其基本态度是既要承认宗教的合法存在,又要同宗教偏见最深刻的根源——“穷困和愚昧”作斗争。其基本政策是宗教信仰自由,即任何公民都有信仰任何宗教的自由,或不信仰任何宗教的自由,且不允许因宗教信仰而产生权利不等的现象。  相似文献   

7.
文摘     
道德信仰与宗教信仰 任建东在其出版的《道德信仰论》一书中谈到,从宗教特别是世界性的几大宗教与道德信仰的关系来看,宗教信仰不等于道德信仰,但在宗教信仰中的确包含着道德信仰。由宗教信仰而来的道德信仰依附于宗教神学,通过道德的“神启论”,使社会道德通过对神的信仰而得以确立和实现;使人在对神的崇拜和信仰中接受所谓神所颁布的清规戒律,这些戒律有宗教活动所特有的规定,但更多的是指向人的社会生活,用以处理人与自然、人与社会、人与人之间的关系。这就在宗教信仰的框架之内为人提供着道德生活的准则。在现代社会缘于人精神的空…  相似文献   

8.
正广西是多民族聚居的少数民族自治区,民间信仰崇拜的神灵多种多样,既有传统的神祇和自然崇拜,也有忠臣名将及祖先崇拜。近年来,广西认真贯彻落实中央关于做好民间信仰工作的重大决策部署,积极探索民间信仰工作的有效途径和方法。2019年1月,  相似文献   

9.
从竹枝词看,清代贵州的民间信仰主要包括图腾崇拜(植物图腾和动物图腾)、人物崇拜(包括祖先崇拜与先贤崇拜)和各种巫术崇拜,其特点是以原始宗教信仰为主。这些民间信仰对民族文化有着深刻的影响,成为民族认同的集体记忆和显要文化表征。  相似文献   

10.
成都平原的树崇拜与道教关系探奥   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0  
"树崇拜"是早期人类所信奉的原始崇拜习俗之一.而以成都平原为中心的四川地区出土了丰富的树崇拜文物,不仅与神话传说中的记载相符,是早期社会分工留下的痕迹,而且反映了当时社会中长生信仰的流行.从广汉三星堆铜树到东汉成都平原的摇钱树再到道教的长生信仰,可以看出原始自然崇拜到神灵崇拜再到成熟宗教的信仰发展轨迹.  相似文献   

11.
Why and how do nations turn to religion to justify claims for statehood? This article addresses this question in both theory and practice, showing that religion plays multiple legitimating roles that shift dynamically according to the success they yield for national movements. I posit four legitimating models: (1) nationalism instead of religion (“secular nationalism”), (2) nationalism as a religion (“civil religion”), (3) religion as a resource for nationalism (“auxiliary religion”), and (4) religion as a source of nationalism (“chosen people”). Empirically, I analyze the roles of religion in Zionist efforts to legitimate a Jewish state in Palestine. I argue that Zionism has responded to persistent delegitimation by expanding the role of religion in its political legitimation. The right of self‐determination, which stands at the core of the “secular Zionism” legitimation, has given way to leveraging Judaism, which in turn has been eclipsed by constructing a Zionist civil religion and a “chosen people” justification.  相似文献   

12.
The presumed categorical stability of sexual and national identities fuels a biopolitical phenomenon that Jasbir Puar has termed homonationalism. Critical responses to homonationalism must necessarily challenge the priority of ontological stasis that often characterises scholarly approaches to theorising both god and identity. This essay argues that a monotheistic political theology provides a basis for assuming notions of identity that are ontologically static. Post-secularity is put forth as an analytic for examining the intertwining of theological and cultural logics in the emergence of homonationalisms. Within that post-secular framework, affect theory is applied to analyse religion, nationalism and sexuality not as discrete social positions but as an assemblage of dynamic and interrelated multiplicities. This post-secular, affective approach allows for an expanded field of political and cultural analysis in queer theory and queer theology alike.  相似文献   

13.

It has often been argued that religions influence political attitudes only indirectly by their influence on the value system of believers. This value system, in turn, is supposed to be used as a guideline in forming political attitudes. Thus, in this view, it should be sufficient to focus on value orientations if one wants to examine religion's influence on political attitudes. However, results of this study among first year psychology students (n=389), show that although value orientations hold greater predictive strength than religiosity towards political attitudes in Flanders (Belgium), religiosity, even apart from values, does provide additional information in predicting political attitudes. Thus, our results suggest that, at least in Flanders, religion, even apart from values, is still a politically important force. The most important value types, as measured by the Schwartz' Value Inventory (Schwartz, 1992), and religiosity dimensions, as measured by the Post-Critical Belief scale (Desimpelaere et al., 1999), associated with political attitudes were identified. Results show that each political attitude included in this study (economic conservatism, cultural conservatism, racism and nationalism) is predicted by a more or less unique pattern of religiosity dimensions and value orientations.  相似文献   

14.
Interest in civil religion periodically resurfaces in the academic world with renewed force, reflected in new theoretical contributions and empirical studies. Due to its long history, this concept has been given different interpretations and has been related to other social phenomena. One of these is nationalism. Several theoreticians have sought to explain nationalism as a manifestation of "civil religion" in modern times. This article examines the relationship between (civil) religion and nationalism. A brief review of the ideas of the main authors who have theorized about this relationship is followed by a criticism of theories concerning civil religion and nationalism as the religion of modern times. I demonstrate the significant shortcomings of those theories from a three-fold perspective: definitional, theoretical, and empirical-methodological.  相似文献   

15.
Melissa Raphael 《Sophia》2014,53(2):241-259
This article suggests that second-wave feminist theology between around 1968 and 1995 undertook the quintessentially religious and task of theology, which is to break its own idols. Idoloclasm was the dynamic of Jewish and Christian feminist theological reformism and the means by which to clear a way back into its own tradition. Idoloclasm brought together an inter-religious coalition of feminists who believed that idolatry is not one of the pitfalls of patriarchy but its symptom and cause, not a subspecies of sin but the primary sin of alienated relationship. The first moment of feminist theology’s criticism of patriarchal power is not that it is socially unjust, but that it has licence to be unjust because it is idolatrous. Yet, neither opponents of feminist theology who dismiss it on the grounds that it is a secular import into the tradition, nor feminist students of theology and religion, have paid sufficient attention to feminist theology’s counter-idolatrous turn as the religious ground of women’s liberation. Here, the freedom and becoming of women is dependent on the liberation of the religious imagination from captivity to a trinity of idols: the patriarchal god called God who is no more than an inference from the political dispensation that created him; the idol of the masculine that created God in his own image and the idol of the feminine worshipped as an ideational object of desire only as the subordinated complement of the masculine and as a false image that becomes a substitute for the real, finite women whose agency and will it supplants.  相似文献   

16.
College is a setting and time of profound change in the lives of emerging adults. This change can include shifts in identity related to politics and religion. Given widespread attention to the alignment of religious people with conservative politics and less religious people with liberal politics (i.e., the “God Gap”), we ask: do college students who become politically liberal lose their religion in the process? Using longitudinal panel data, this study examines changes in political identity and religiosity among students at a Protestant university. Findings reveal changes in students’ politics align with changes in public and private religious behaviors, certainty in belief, agreement with core tenets of the Christian faith, faith maturity, and closeness to God. Whereas students who become more politically conservative increase their religiosity, the inverse is true for those whose politics become more liberal in college.  相似文献   

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