The past tense inflection project (PTIP): speeded past tense inflections, imageability ratings, and past tense consistency measures for 2,200 verbs

The processes involved in past tense verb generation have been central to models of inflectional morphology. However, the empirical support for such models has often been based on studies of accuracy in past tense verb formation on a relatively small set of items. We present the first large-scale study of past tense inflection (the Past Tense Inflection Project, or PTIP) that affords response time, accuracy, and error analyses in the generation of the past tense form from the present tense form for over 2,000 verbs. In addition to standard lexical variables (such as word frequency, length, and orthographic and phonological neighborhood), we have also developed new measures of past tense neighborhood consistency and verb imageability for these stimuli, and via regression analyses we demonstrate the utility of these new measures in predicting past tense verb generation. The PTIP can be used to further evaluate existing models, to provide well controlled stimuli for new studies, and to uncover novel theoretical principles in past tense morphology.     

The role of meaning in inflection: why the past tense does not require a rule

How do we produce the past tenses of verbs? For the last 20 years this question has been the focal domain for conflicting theories of language, knowledge representation, and cognitive processing. On one side of the debate have been similarity-based or single-route approaches that propose that all past tenses are formed simply through phonological analogies to existing past tenses stored in memory. On the other side of the debate are rule-based or dual-route approaches which agree that phonological analogy is important for producing irregular past tenses (e.g., think-->thought), but argue that regular past tenses (e.g., walk-->walked) are generated via a +ed rule and that a principled account of regular inflection can only be given by recourse to explicit rules. This debate has become a crucial battleground for arguments concerning the necessity and importance of abstract mental rules, embracing not only language processing, but also the of nature cognition itself. However, in centering on the roles of phonological similarity and rules, the past tense debate has largely ignored the possible role of semantics in determining inflection. This paper presents five studies that demonstrate a striking and decisive role of semantic similarity in inflection. In fact, semantic factors appear to be more important in inflection than the grammatical considerations put forward by the dual-route account. Further, these new findings provide a new way of discriminating between the claims of single-route (similarity-based) and dual-route (rule-based) approaches. It appears that inflection is carried out through analogical reminding based on semantic and phonological similarity and that a rule-based route is not necessary to account for past tense inflection.     

Model theory for tense logic: Saturated and special models with applications to the tense hierarchy

The aims of this paper are: (1) to present tense-logical versions of such classical notions as saturated and special models; (2) to establish several fundamental existence theorems about these notions; (3) to apply these powerful techniques to tense complexity.In this paper we are concerned exclusively with quantifiedK ₁ (for linear time) with constant domain. Our present research owes much to Bowen [2], Fine [5] and Gabbay [6].     

A neuroconstructivist model of past tense development and processing

We present a neural network model of learning and processing the English past tense that is based on the notion that experience-dependent cortical development is a core aspect of cognitive development. During learning the model adds and removes units and connections to develop a task-specific final architecture. The model provides an integrated account of characteristic errors during learning the past tense, adult generalization to pseudoverbs, and dissociations between verbs observed after brain damage in aphasic patients. We put forward a theory of verb inflection in which a functional processing architecture develops through interactions between experience-dependent brain development and the structure of the environment, in this case, the statistical properties of verbs in the language. The outcome of this process is a structured processing system giving rise to graded dissociations between verbs that are easy and verbs that are hard to learn and process. In contrast to dual-mechanism accounts of inflection, we argue that describing dissociations as a dichotomy between regular and irregular verbs is a post hoc abstraction and is not linked to underlying processing mechanisms. We extend current single-mechanism accounts of inflection by highlighting the role of structural adaptation in development and in the formation of the adult processing system. In contrast to some single-mechanism accounts, we argue that the link between irregular inflection and verb semantics is not causal and that existing data can be explained on the basis of phonological representations alone. This work highlights the benefit of taking brain development seriously in theories of cognitive development.     

Sensitivity to gender, person, and tense inflection by persons with Alzheimer's disease

This paper investigates sensitivity to gender, person, and tense inflection in individuals with Alzheimer's disease (AD) in on-line and off-line tasks. Fourteen persons with AD and 14 matched controls participated in two studies: sensitivity to gender incongruity was tested in an on-line reading task and sensitivity to violation of tense and person was tested with an off-line grammaticality judgement test. Group performance was comparable on both tasks. It is argued that patients' preserved sensitivity to these features is primarily a function of the simplicity of the required operations. The notion of simplicity in this context is discussed and various parameters are offered for future investigation.     

Rules, representations, and the English past tense

The significance of the English past tense in current cognitive science is that it offers a clear contrast between a potentially rule-based system-the procedures for forming the regular past tense-and an unpredictable and idiosyncratic set of irregular forms. This contrast has become a focus for a wide-ranging debate about whether mental computation requires the use of symbols. Highly regular combinatorial phenomena, such as the regular past tense, are prime candidates for rule-based symbolic computation. Earlier research concentrated on the evidence for this during language acquisition, looking at how children learned the English regular and irregular verb systems. Over the last five years attention has shifted towards the properties of the adult system, and we review here some recent research into the neural correlates of the two types of procedure. The evidence suggests that there are divergences in the neural systems underlying the generation and perception of regular and irregular forms. Regular inflected forms seem to involve primarily combinatorial processes, while irregular forms appear to have a hybrid status, sharing their semantic properties with the regular forms but diverging in the phonological domain, where their form representations are stored as complete units. This indicates that the regular and irregular past tenses may not, after all, provide a clean contrast in the types of mental computation they implicate.     

Rule-based extrapolation: A continuing challenge for exemplar models

Erickson and Kruschke (1998, 2002) demonstrated that in rule-plus-exception categorization, people generalize category knowledge by extrapolating in a rule-like fashion, even when they are presented with a novel stimulus that is most similar to a known exception. Although exemplar models have been found to be deficient in explaining rule-based extrapolation, Rodrigues and Murre (2007) offered a variation of an exemplar model that was better able to account for such performance. Here, we present the results of a new rule-plus-exception experiment that yields rule-like extrapolation similar to that of previous experiments, and yet the data are not accounted for by Rodrigues and Murre's augmented exemplar model. Further, a hybrid rule-and-exemplar model is shown to better describe the data. Thus, we maintain that rule-plus-exception categorization continues to be a challenge for exemplar-only models.     

Pseudohomophone effects in lexical decision: still a challenge for current word recognition models.

Computational models that implement a serial mechanism of phonological assembly predict interactions between the size of the pseudohomophone (PsH) effect and stimulus length. Models with frequency-sensitive word representations predict baseword frequency effects. These predictions were tested in a lexical-decision task. The results showed constant PsH effects across different word lengths (in favor of parallel phonological activation) and baseword frequency effects (in favor of frequency-sensitive representations). However, the baseword frequency effect was opposite of what the models predicted. This result is most easily accommodated by models that assume an orthographic verification mechanism. The plausibility of such a mechanism was further supported by the results of 2 additional experiments investigating the effects of response speed and spelling probability (feedback consistency) on the size of the PsH effect.     

Representation of linguistic rules in the brain: evidence from training an aphasic patient to produce past tense verb morphology.

We trained a patient with expressive aphasia and a deficit in phoneme-to-grapheme conversion to produce spoken English verbs with correct tense morphology. After training, he showed evidence of generalization to production of written regular, but not irregular, verbs in a sentence completion task. These data support dual-route, rule-based models within the brain for morphosyntactic operations.     

The present projects past behavior into the future while the past projects attitudes into the future: How verb tense moderates predictors of drinking intentions

Three studies examined how the use of the present versus the past tense in recalling a past experience influences behavioral intentions. Experiment 1 revealed a stronger influence of past behaviors on drinking intentions when participants self-reported an episode of excessive drinking using the present tense. Correspondingly, there was a stronger influence of attitudes towards excessive drinking when participants self-reported the episode in the past tense. Experiments 2 and 3 liked this effect to changes in construal level (Liberman, Trope, & Stephan, 2007; Trope & Liberman, 2003), with the present tense being similar to a concrete construal level and the past tense being similar to an abstract construal level.     

Young children's sensitivity to probabilistic phonotactics in the developing lexicon

A series of three experiments examined children's sensitivity to probabilistic phonotactic structure as reflected in the relative frequencies with which speech sounds occur and co-occur in American English. Children, ages 212 and 312 years, participated in a nonword repetition task that examined their sensitivity to the frequency of individual phonetic segments and to the frequency of combinations of segments. After partialling out ease of articulation and lexical variables, both groups of children repeated higher phonotactic frequency nonwords more accurately than they did low phonotactic frequency nonwords, suggesting sensitivity to phoneme frequency. In addition, sensitivity to individual phonetic segments increased with age. Finally, older children, but not younger children, were sensitive to the frequency of larger (diphone) units. These results suggest not only that young children are sensitive to fine-grained acoustic-phonetic information in the developing lexicon but also that sensitivity to all aspects of the sound structure increases over development. Implications for the acoustic nature of both developing and mature lexical representations are discussed.     

Brain potentials during language production in children and adults: An ERP study of the English past tense

The current study examines the neural correlates of 8-to-12-year-old children and adults producing inflected word forms, specifically regular vs. irregular past-tense forms in English, using a silent production paradigm. ERPs were time-locked to a visual cue for silent production of either a regular or irregular past-tense form or a 3rd person singular present tense form of a given verb (e.g., walked/sang vs. walks/sings). Subsequently, another visual stimulus cued participants for an overt vocalization of their response. ERP results for the adult group revealed a negativity 300–450 ms after the silent-production cue for regular compared to irregular past-tense forms. There was no difference in the present form condition. Children’s brain potentials revealed developmental changes, with the older children demonstrating more adult-like ERP responses than the younger ones. We interpret the observed ERP responses as reflecting combinatorial processing involved in regular (but not irregular) past-tense formation.     

The role of type and token frequency in using past tense morphemes correctly

Type and token frequency have been thought to be important in the acquisition of past tense morphology, particularly in differentiating regular and irregular forms. In this study we tested the role of frequency in two ways: (1) in bilingual children, who typically use and hear either language less often than monolingual children and (2) cross-linguistically: French and English have different patterns of frequency of regular/irregular verbs. Ten French-English bilingual children, 10 French monolingual and 10 English monolingual children between 4 and 6 years watched a cartoon and re-told the story. The results demonstrated that the bilingual children were less accurate than the monolingual children. Their accuracy in both French and English regular and irregular verbs corresponded to frequency in the input language. These results are consistent with the hypothesis that children learn past tense morphemes by analogy with other words in their vocabularies. We propose a developmental sequence based on conservative generalization across a growing set of verbs.     

Cognitive mechanisms of mindfulness: A test of current models

Existing models of mindfulness describe the self-regulation of attention as primary, leading to enhanced decentering and ability to access and override automatic cognitive processes. This study compared 23 experienced and 21 non-meditators on tests of mindfulness, attention, decentering, and ability to override automatic cognitive processes to test the cognitive mechanisms proposed to underlie mindfulness practice. Experienced meditators had significantly higher mindfulness and decentering than non-meditators. No significant difference between groups was found on measures of attention or ability to override automatic processes. These findings support the prediction that mindfulness leads to enhanced decentering, but do not support the cognitive mechanisms proposed to underlie such enhancement. Since mindfulness practice primarily involves internally directed attention, it may be the case that cognitive tests requiring externally directed attention and timed responses do not accurately assess mindfulness-induced cognitive changes. Implications for the models of mindfulness and future research are discussed.     

A computer model of inflection learning

This paper presents a computer program that creates and modifies inflectional paradigms. A paradigm is a linguistic device used to index lexical entries that share a common inflection along a given dimension such as tense or case. Paradigms are useful because they offer a convenient method for predicting the form of a novel word and for explaining some aspects of language development. The model presented here is based on Pinker’s (1984) inflection learning theory. The model covers a subset of the rules for learning inflectional paradigms that are outlined in the theory. The primary concern of the model is to understand how elements that are crucial to the theory, such as lexical entries and feature equations, may interact to form and expand word-specific paradigms. The model also represents an attempt to assess implementation details not specified by the theory. A brief overview of the model is given, followed by a sample run. Finally, some practical and theoretical considerations, such as the structure of paradigms, paradigm assignment to novel words, and suppletion, are discussed.     

Productive use of the English past tense in children with focal brain injury and specific language impairment

In this study, 22 children with early left hemisphere (LHD) or right hemisphere (RHD) focal brain lesions (FL, n=14 LHD, n=8 RHD) were administered an English past tense elicitation test (M=6.5 years). Proportion correct and frequency of over-regularization and zero-marking errors were compared to age-matched samples of children with specific language impairment (SLI, n=27) and with typical language development (TD, n=27). Similar rates of correct production and error patterns were observed for the children with TD and FL; whereas, children with SLI produced more zero-marking errors than either their FL or TD peers. Performance was predicted by vocabulary level (PPVT-R) for children in all groups, and errors did not differ as a function of lesion side (LHD vs. RHD). Findings are discussed in terms of the nature of brain-language relations and how those relationships develop over the course of language learning.     

On the size of refutation Kripke models for some linear modal and tense logics

LetL be any modal or tense logic with the finite model property. For eachm, definer _L (m) to be the smallest numberr such that for any formulaA withm modal operators,A is provable inL if and only ifA is valid in everyL-model with at mostr worlds. Thus, the functionr _L determines the size of refutation Kripke models forL. In this paper, we will give an estimation ofr _L (m) for some linear modal and tense logicsL.