Vowel-contingent feature detection

Do vowel-contingent selective adaptation effects for place of articulation depend on vowel identity, or on the particular formant frequencies used? An experiment is reported here which tested the adaptation effects of consonants with exactly the same formant transitions before different diphthongs. In this experiment, the phonetic identity of the vowel and the formant frequencies of the consonant are not confounded as they have been in previous studies. In the contingent adaptation condition, no phoneme boundary shifts were observed, and this is interpreted along with previous evidencefor such phoneme boundary shifts when phonetic identity of the vowel and formant frequencies are confounded as indicating that adaptation operates on the spectral representation of the stimulus. Other evidence consistent with this conclusion is that adaptation with alternating adaptors from each end of the test series produced negligible shifts, and that a single adaptor from a diphthong series different from that of the test series produced phoneme boundary shifts as large as those with a single adaptor from the same test series.     

Processing of place information in stop consonants

One of the basic questior, s that models of speech perception must answer concerns the conditions under which various cues will be extracted from a stimulus and the nature of the mechanisms which mediate this process. Two selective adaptation experiments were carried out to explore this question for the phonetic feature of place of articulation in both syllableinitial and syllable-final positions. In the first experiment, CV and VC stimuli were constructed with complete overlap in their second- and third-formant transitions. Despite this essentially complete overlap, no adaptation effects were found for a VC adaptor and a CV test series (or vice versa). In the second experiment, various vowel, vowel-like, and VC-like adaptors were used. The VC-like adaptors did have a significant effect on the CV category boundary, while the vowel and vowel-like stimuli did not. These results are interpreted within both one- and twolevel models of selective adaptation. These models are distinguished by whether selective adaptation is assumed to affect a single auditory level of processing or to affect both an auditory level and a later phonetic level. However, both models incorporate detectors at the auditory level which respond whenever particular formant transitions are present. These auditory detectors are not sensitive to the position of the consonant transition information within the syllable.     

Linguistic relativism and selective adaptation for speech: A comparative study of English and Thai

The effect of repeated exposure to prevoiced and voiced stimuli on the voiced/voiceless category boundary was compared for monolingual native English speakers and bilingual native speakers of Thai. The English speakers, for whom the two adaptors were members of the same phoneme class, showed equivalent shifts towards the adapting stimulus under both conditions. The Thai subjects, who perceived the two adaptors as belonging to two distinct phoneme classes, showed a shift of the voiced/voiceless boundary only for the voiced adaptation condition; exposure to the prevoiced adaptor had no effect.     

Contingent feature analysis in speech perception

A contingent adaptation effect is reported for speech perception. Experiments were conducted to test the effects of an alternating sequence of two adapting syllables, [da] and [t^hi], on the perception of two series of synthetic speech syllables, [ba]-[p^ha] and [bi]-[p^hi]. Each of the test series consisted of 11 stimuli varying in voice onset time, a cue which distinguishes voiced from voiceless stop consonants in word-initial position. The [da]-[t^hi] adapting sequence produced opposite shifts in the loci of the phonetic boundaries for the two test series. For the [ba]-[p^ha] series, listeners made fewer identification responses to the [b] category after adaptation, while for the [bi]-[p^hi] series, listeners made more responses to the [b] category. The opposing shifts indicate that the perceptual analysis of voicing in stop consonants is carried out with respect to vowel environment.     

Selective adaptation effects on end-point stimuli in a speech series

Recent experiments in speech perception using the selective adaptation paradigm have found that the phonetic boundary of a test series shifts following adaptation. However, no changes within the phonetic category have been found. In the present experiment, a series of voiced CV syllables which varied along the feature of place was used in a selective adaptation paradigm. The end-point stimuli trom the test series were used as adaptors. Subjects used a 6-point rating scale to respond to the stimuli instead of the usual two-category identification. The average rating for end-point stimuli from the same category as the adaptor, as well as the boundary stimuli, shifted as a function of adaptation. In all cases, the average rating response shifted toward that of the unadapted category. The average rating for stimuli in the opposite category from that of the adaptor remained relatively unchanged. These results indicate that the entire category of the adapting stimulus changes as a function of selective adaptation and that the effect is not confined to stimuli near the phonetic boundary.     

Selective adaptation of vowels

Two experiments investigating the selective adaptation of vowels examined changes in listeners’ identification functions for the vowel continuum [i-I-∈] as a function of the adapting stimulus. In Experiment I, the adapting stimuli were [i], [I], and [∈]. Both the [i] and [∈] stimuli produced significant shifts in the neighboringand distant phonetic boundaries, whereas [I] did not result in any adaptation effects. In order to explore the phonetic nature of feature adaptation in vowels, a second experiment was conducted using the adapting stimuli [gig] and [g ∈ g], which differed acoustically from the [i] and [∈] vowels on the identification continuum. Only [gig] yielded reliable adaptation effects. The results of these experiments were interpreted as suggesting arelative rather than a stableauditory mode of feature analysis in vowels and a possibly more complex auditory feature analysis for the vowel [i].     

Some properties of linguistic feature detectors

A series of experiments, using a selective adaptation procedure, investigated some of the properties of the linguistic feature detectors that mediate the perception of the voiced and voiceless stop consonants. The first experiment showed that these detectors are centrally rather than peripherally located, in that monotic presentation of the adapting stimulus and test stimuli to different ears resulted in large and reliable shifts in the locus of the phonetic boundary. The second experiment revealed that the detectors are part of the specialized speech processor, inasmuch as adaptation of a voicing detector (as measured by a shift in the phonetic boundary) occurred only when the voicing information was presented in a speech context. In the third experiment, the detector mediating perception of the voiced stops was shown to be more resistant to adaptation than the detector mediating perception of the voiceless stops.     

A further parallel between selective adaptation and contrast

It is generally believed that selective adaptation effects in speech perception are due to a reduction in sensitivity of auditory feature detectors. Recent evidence suggest that these effects may derive instead from contrast. In a further test of the contrast hypothesis, we conducted two experiments each involving both adaptation and contrast sessions with matching stimulus sets. During the adaptation sessions of Experiment 1, subjects identified two series of velar stimuli varying in voice onset time, [ga]-[kha] and [gi]-[khi], before and after adaptation with of the following stimuli: [ga], [kha], [gi], and [khi]. In the contrast session, subjects identified either of two ambiguous test items (drawn from near the phonetic boundaries of the [ga]-[kha] and the [gi]-[khi] series) following a single presentation of [ga], [kha], [gi], or [khi]. For both the adaptation and contrast sessions, (a) the [--a] test items were more greatly affected (in a contrast direction) by the [--a] than by the [--i] adaptor/context stimuli, and (b) the [--i] test items were not differentially affected by the [--1] and [--i] adaptor/context stimuli. An analogous design was used in Experiment 2, except that the stimulus sets varied in pitch rather than vowel quality. For both the adaptation and contrast sessions, the test items were not differentially affected by the pitch of the adaptor/context stimulus. These parallel results provide further evidence that adaptation effects are actually a form of contrast.     

Auditory and phonetic processes in place perception for stops

Use of the selective adaptation procedure with speech stimuli has led to a number of theoretical positions with regard to the level or levels of processing affected by adaptation. Recent experiments (i.e., Sawusch & Jusczyk, 1981) have, however, yielded strong evidence that only auditory coding processes are affected by selective adaptation. In the present experiment, a test series that varied along the phonetic dimension of place of articulation for stops ([da]-[ga]) was used in conjunction with a [ska] syllable that shared the phonetic value of velar with the [ga] end of the test series but had a spectral structure that closely matched a stimulus from the [da] end of the series. As an adaptor, the [ska] and Ida] stimuli produced identical effects, whereas in a paired-comparison procedure, the [ska] produced effects consistent with its phonetic label. These results offer further support for the contention that selective adaptation affects only the auditory coding of speech, whereas the paired-comparison procedure affects only the phonetic coding of speech. On the basis of these results and previous place-adaptation results, a process model of speech perception is described.     

Visual influences on the internal structure of phonetic categories

Previous work has demonstrated that the graded internal structure of phonetic categories is sensitive to a variety of contextual factors. One such factor is place of articulation: The best exemplars of voiceless stop consonants along auditory bilabial and velar voice onset time (VOT) continua occur over different ranges of VOTs (Volaitis & Miller, 1992). In the present study, we exploited the McGurk effect to examine whether visual information for place of articulation also shifts the best exemplar range for voiceless consonants, following Green and Kuhl's (1989) demonstration of effects of visual place of articulation on the location of voicing boundaries. In Experiment 1, we established that /p/ and /t/ have different best exemplar ranges along auditory bilabial and alveolar VOT continua. We then found, in Experiment 2, a similar shift in the best-exemplar range for /t/ relative to that for /p/ when there was a change in visual place of articulation, with auditory place of articulation held constant. These findings indicate that the perceptual mechanisms that determine internal phonetic category structure are sensitive to visual, as well as to auditory, information.     

Comparison of consonantal and vocalic cues in selective adaptation

The acoustic cues to the phonetic identity of diphthongs normally include both spectral quality and dynamic change. This fact was exploited in a series of selective adaptation experiments examining the possibility of mutual adaptive effects between these two types of acoustic cues. One continuum of syllables varying from [εi] to [εd] and another varying from [ε] to [εi] were synthesized; endpoint stimuli of both series used as adaptors caused identification boundaries to be shifted. Cross-series adaptation was also attempted on the [ε?εi] stimuli, using [?], [∞], and [ai]. Only [ai] proved effective as an adaptor, suggesting the mediation of a rather abstract auditory level of similarity. The results argue strongly against interpretations in terms of feature detectors, but appear compatible with an “auditory contrast” explanation, which might in turn be incorporated within adaptation level theory in the form recently discussed by Restle (1978). The cross-series results further suggest that selective adaptation might be used to quantify the perceptual distance between auditory cues in speech.     

Evidence for a central representation of instrument timbre

An information processing account of perception seeks to delineate the stages of processing through which a stimulus passes and determine the properties of the representation at each stage. Research in phonetic perception has identified two stages, the second of which is thought to encode abstract acoustic attributes of sounds. The present study provided a further test of this proposal by assessing whether nonphonetic stimuli could yield results similar to those obtained with phonetic stimuli. Five selective adaptation experiments were carried out with a trumpet—piano timbre continuum. Two manipulations were used to measure abstract encoding: cross-ear presentation of adaptor and test series, and the use of adaptors that were acoustically different from the continuum endpoints. The results provide evidence for an abstract representation of timbre. The similarity of the findings to those in the phonetic adaptation literature is discussed.     

Feature analyzers for the phonetic dimensionstop vs. continuant

Perception of sounds along the phonetic dimensionstop vs. continuant was studied by means of a selective adaptation procedure. Subjects first identified a series of synthetic consonant-vowel syllables whose formant transitions varied in duration, slope, and amplitude characteristics. They were perceived as either [ba] or [wa]. After the initial identification test, an adapting stimulus was presented repeatedly, and then the subjects again identified the original test series. Adapting with a stop (either [ba] or [da]) led to a decrease in the number of test stimuli identified as [ba], whereas adapting with the continuant sound [wa] led to an increase in the number of [ba] identification responses. Removing the vowel portion of an adapting stimulus greatly reduced the identification shift only when the resulting stimulus was no longer perceived as speech-like. A reduction in the number of [ba] identifications occurred even when a nonspeech “stop” (the sound of a plucked string) was used as the adapting stimulus, suggesting that phonetic processing is not a necessary condition for an adaptation effect.     

Acoustic feature analysis in the perception of voicing contrasts

Various types of acoustic cues have been shown to signal voicing contrasts in initial prestressed stop consonants. Two of the most important of these cues are the time interval between the release burst and the onset of voicing (voice onset time) and the duration of voiced transitions. In the present experiment, a selective adaptation procedure was used to investigate possible feature extraction mechanisms which underlie the perception of voicing. Subjects first identified either of two series of test stimuli, [ba-p^ha) or [ga-k^ha]. Next they listened to repeated presentations of an adapting stimulus and then again identified the original test series. Adapting stimuli having the same value of voice onset time but different voiced transition durations produced differential (and sometimes opposite) effects on the identification of the test stimuli. In every case, the adapting stimulus with the greater duration of voiced transitions led to larger reduction in voiced responses or to a smaller increase in voiceless responses. These results are incompatible with models of voicing perception based strictly on detectors for voice onset time. The results also suggest that the adaptation effect occurs at a point in the system prior to the actual phonetic decision.     

Functional equivalence of masking and cue reduction in perception of shape at a slant

The present study was undertaken to investigate the effects of syllabic stress and segment structure on selective adaptation in speech. To this end, a CV place of articulation test continuum was selectively adapted by seven different adapting stimuli; the monosyllables [ba] and [ga], two disyllabic stimuli containing equal stress on both syllables, [baga] and [gabal, and three disyllabic stimuli ([baga]) in which stress placement varied and was cued by the acoustic parameters of fundamental frequency and duration. Results for the two adapting stimuli demonstrated significant [b] adaptation for the stimulus [ba] and significant [g] adaptation for [gal. Of the five other adapting stimuli, only [g] adaptation for the stimulus [bagá] was found to be significant. These findings indicate that the operation of detector mechanisms susceptible to fatigue by an adapting stimulus are even more constrained than has heretofore been suggested. It appears that the adapting and test stimuli must not only have the same phonetic and syllable structure, but also the same syllabic organization.     

Spatial inattention abolishes voice adaptation

Adaptation to male voices causes a subsequent voice to be perceived as more female, and vice versa. Similar contrastive aftereffects have been reported for phonetic perception, and in vision for face perception. However, while aftereffects in the perception of phonetic features of speech have been reported to persist even when adaptors were processed inattentively, face aftereffects were previously reported to be abolished by inattention to adaptors. Here we demonstrate that auditory aftereffects of adaptation to voice gender are eliminated when the male and female adaptor voices are spatially unattended. Participants simultaneously heard gender-specific male or female adaptor voices in one ear and gender-neutral (androgynous) adaptor voices in the contralateral ear. They selectively attended to the adaptor voices in a designated ear, by either classifying voice gender (Exp. 1) or spoken syllable (Exp. 2). Voice aftereffects were found only if the gender-specific voices were spatially attended, suggesting capacity limits in the processing of voice gender for the unattended ear. Remarkably, gender-specific adaptors in the attended ear elicited comparable aftereffects in test voices, regardless of prior attention to voice gender or phonetic content. Thus, within the attended ear, voice gender was processed even when it was irrelevant for the task at hand, suggesting automatic processing of gender along with linguistic information. Overall, voice gender adaptation requires spatial, but not dimensional, selective attention.     

Audiovisual presentation demonstrates that selective adaptation in speech perception is purely auditory

MRC Institute of Hearing Research, University of Nottingham, Nottingham NG72RD, England Both auditory and phonetic processes have been implicated by previous results from selective adaptation experiments using speech stimuli. It has proved difficult to dissociate their individual contributions because the auditory and phonetic structure of conventional acoustical stimuli are mutually predictive. In the present experiment, the necessary dissociation was achieved by using an audiovisual adaptor consisting of an acoustical [b?] synchronized to a video recording of a talker uttering the syllable [g?]. This stimulus was generally identified as one of the dentals [d?] or [??]. It produced an adaptation effect, measured with an acoustical [b?-d?] test continuum, identical in size and direction to that produced by an acoustical [b?]—an adaptor sharing its acoustical structure—and opposite in direction to that produced by an acoustical [d?]—an adaptor sharing its perceived phonetic identity. Thus, the result strongly suggests that auditory rather than phonetic levels of processing are influenced in selective adaptation.     

Response organization in selective adaptation to speech sounds

Previous experiments in speech perception using the selective adaptation procedure have found a shift in the locus of the category boundary for a series of speech stimuli following repeated exposure to an adapting syllable. The locus of the boundary moves toward the category of the adapting syllable. Most investigators have interpreted these findings in terms of feature detector models in which specific detectors are reduced in sensitivity through repeated adaptation. The present experiment was conducted to determine whether the adaptation results might be due to changes in response organization as a consequence of the labeling instructions presented to subjects in selective adaptation experiments. A perceptually ambiguous speech stimulus was selected from the middle of a [bi]-[di] test series and used as an adaptor under two different sets of instructions. One group of subjects was told that the adapting stimulus was the syllable [bi], while another group was told that the stimulus was the syllable [di]. The acoustically ambiguous adaptor failed to produce a shift in the locus of the category boundary in the direction predicted on the basis of the labeling instructions presented to subjects. These results indicate that the acoustic attributes and perceived quality of the adapting stimulus determine the direction and magnitude of the adaptation effects rather than the labels provided by the experimenter.     

The effect of selective adaptation on the identification of speech sounds

An experiment was performed to determine the effect of selective adaptation on the identification of synthetic speech sounds which varied along the phonetic dimensionplace of articulation. Adaptation with a stimulus of a particular place value led to a reduction in the number of test stimuli identified as having that place value. An identification shift was obtained even when the acoustic information specifying place value for the adapting stimulus had virtually nothing in common with the information specifying place value for any of the test stimuli. Removing the vowel portion of an adapting stimulus eliminated identification shift only when the resulting stimulus was no longer perceived as speech-like. The results indicate that at least part of the adaptation effect occurs at a site of phonetic, not merely acoustic, feature analysis.

     

Susceptibility of a stop consonant to adaptation on a speech-nonspeech continuum: Further evidence against feature detectors in speech perception

The present experiment uses the perceptual adaptation paradigm to establish the validity of a previous test of the feature detector model of speech perception. In the present study, a synthetic stimulus series varied from a CV syllable, [ba], to a nonspeech buzz. When the endpoint tokens were employed alternatively as adaptors, the category boundary was shifted relative to unadapted identification in each adaptor condition. This result suggests that a prior test which used a vowel as the speech endpoint was legitimate because a stop consonant, an exemplary speech sound, was also susceptible to perceptual adaptation in a speech-nonspeech context. Feature detector models predict, incorrectly, that this outcome is impossible. Therefore, this finding may be taken to undermine the interpretation of adaptation as fatigue in a set of detectors tuned to detect the distinctive features of linguistic analysis.