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郑州作为河南省省会和全国区域性中心城市,其市民的道德素质与中部经济社会发展相关。通过调查,我们发现,郑州市民的道德状况表现为社会公德意识和职业道德感较强、家庭道德变化明显、诚信状况乐观等。同时,针对存在的问题,建议多管齐下、不断提升市民道德素质,包括,建立一套郑州市民道德素质样本,并制定相应的评价标准与考评体系,加强多种载体建设,有重点、分层次地做好道德规范的普及工作,政府主导着力解决好现实中存在的突出问题等。  相似文献   

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Contemporary appeals for a deepening of civic friendship in liberal democracies often draw on Aristotle. This paper warns against a certain kind of attempt to use Aristotle in our own theorising, namely accounts of civic friendship that characterise it as similar in some way to Aristotelian virtue friendship. The most prominent of these attempts have focused on disinterested mutual regard as a basic ingredient in all Aristotelian forms of friendship. The argument against this is that it inadequately accounts for the idea of a virtue friend as another self, which we find in Aristotle’s thought. When we attend closely to that, we see that civic friendship is different in a fundamental way from virtue friendship because virtue friends are keenly committed to the moral improvement of one another. It is argued that Aristotle does not see civic friendship in the same way. However, if this argument about the differences between the forms of friendship cannot be accepted, the paper argues that we should not draw on Aristotle for an understanding of civic friendship because any similarity it might have to virtue friendship would license illiberal interventions in the lives of citizens in service of some idea of moral improvement. A seeming connection between Aristotelian civic friendship and thick conceptions of citizenship is replaced with a connection between it and thinner conceptions.  相似文献   

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Schools in liberal societies are responsible for producing liberal citizens. However, if they have too robust a view of citizenship, they may find themselves undermining the view of good lives held by many pacific and law abiding groups. Here I argue against treating citizenship as an educational good that simply trumps private values when they conflict and in favor of a view that seeks a context sensitive balance between such conflicting goods. The paper explores Rawls's distinction between two moral powers as a way of understanding the character of some of the private interests in schooling.  相似文献   

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After indicating a number of points of agreement with the argument 0eveloped by Kenneth Strike in his article Liberalism, Citizenship and the Private Interest in Schooling, this article identifies and explores a number of queries and criticisms which arise in relation to that argument. These queries and criticisms relate especially to the nature and extent of the expansiveness involved in Strike's conception of public or common educational influence, and to the implications and justification of the claim that private educational interests enjoy a greater salience and recognition on Strike's view of public or common educational influence than on some alternative views.  相似文献   

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Attas  Daniel 《Res Publica》2000,6(1):73-92
Working from a ``capitalist' theory of exploitation, based on a neo-classical account of economic value, I argue that guest workers are exploited. It may be objected, however, that since they are not citizens, any inequality that stems from their status as non-citizens is morally unobjectionable. Although host countries are under no moral obligation to admit guest workers as citizens, thereare independent reasons that call for the extension of economicrights – the freedom of occupation in particular – to guestworkers. Since the cause of unequal exchange rests in the factthat guest workers are deprived of these rights, rather than in their exclusion from citizenship per se, I concludethat they are exploited even if their exclusion from citizenshipmay be justified.  相似文献   

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当代自由主义和社群主义之争:以公民资格为焦点   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
当代自由主义和社群主义之争涉及很多方面,但以公民资格为焦点来看,二者之间的主要差异表现为:自由主义以个体价值立论,重视个人自由和权利的保障,而社群主义则以群体价值立论,重视社会公共善的达成.这两种公民资格观所标榜的公民精神都在不同方面契合当代中国社会发展的需要.就我国当前现状而言,应从日常生活中的公民礼仪做起,培养和塑造以宽容尊重、平等交往为主要人格特征的新时代公民,由此,政治民主生活中负责任的好公民才可能产生.  相似文献   

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In a world increasingly described as turbulent and chaotic, management scholars have acknowledged the importance of a virtue-based set of criteria to serve as a moral rubric for the stakeholders that an organization serves. Business schools play a unique role in helping their students to understand the ethical issues facing business. Business schools can also model the way for creating a clear statement of values and principles, by creating a bill of rights for business schools that recognizes the importance of rights and responsibilities and articulates the important ethical issues that apply not only to business but to the business school context. Four models for creating a bill of rights in schools of business are presented and a framework of a bill of rights is provided. The advantages of a virtue ethics model for a bill of rights are explained as the most practical approach for business faculty to consider.  相似文献   

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There is significant disagreement among feminists and liberals about the compatibility between the two doctrines. Political liberalism has come under particular criticism from feminists, who argue that its restricted form of equality is insufficient. In contrast, Lori Watson and Christie Hartley argue that political liberalism can and must be feminist. This article raises three areas of disagreement with Watson and Hartley’s incisive account of feminist political liberalism. First, it argues that an appeal to a comprehensive doctrine can be compatible with respecting others, if that appeal is to the value of equality. Second, it takes issue with Watson and Hartley's defence of religious exemptions to equality law. Third, it argues that political liberalism can be compatible with feminism but that it is not itself adequately feminist. It concludes that political liberalism is not enough for feminists.  相似文献   

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Previous analyses of U.S. civics textbooks documented an overwhelming emphasis on citizen rights to the relative exclusion of citizen obligations and participation. Despite evidence of this uneven coverage, scholars have not yet investigated the psychological and behavioral consequences of this asymmetry, which may be especially consequential in the U.S., a predominantly individualistic culture. The present research does just this by analyzing survey data collected from high school students in civics courses. As expected, and in accordance with the content of civics curricula, students show greater endorsement of rights than of obligations. Moreover, higher support for obligations increases students' intention to vote and to participate in civic and extracurricular activities, whereas endorsement of rights is negatively associated with political participation.  相似文献   

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This paper uses content analysis and interviews to produce case studies of Fairchild Group’s Talentvision (Mandarin) and two local current-affairs talk show programs in Mandarin. Based on the concept of geo-ethnic media and multicultural communication infrastructure model, the paper argues that geo-ethnic media can be a powerful means to promote civic virtues in a large, pluralistic modern society and to help new immigrants transform their “formal” citizenship into a “substantive” citizenship. The geo-ethnic media also provides a transnational supplement to the mainstream public sphere, which allows a sub-national ethnic community to maintain its cultural identity. The paper concludes that further efforts should be made to foster communication and interaction between the mainstream media and the diverse world of ethnic media in Canada.  相似文献   

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Many faith traditions emphasize the importance of adopting a range of virtues. Yet relatively few studies examine more than one virtue at a time. Moreover, researchers know relatively little about variations in the adoption of virtues, especially variations by race. The purpose of this study is to see if race differences emerge in 9 virtues: gratitude to God, humility, compassion for family and friends, compassion for strangers, providing emotional support to family and friends, providing tangible support to family and friends, providing emotional support to strangers, providing tangible support to strangers, and forgiving others. The data for this study come from a recent nationwide survey. Race differences were present in seven of the nine virtues, and in each instance the findings indicate that Blacks have higher virtue scores than Whites. The results further reveal that Blacks are likely to have higher virtue scores than Whites because they are more committed to their faith than Whites.  相似文献   

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