The link between judgments of comparative risk and own risk: further evidence

Individuals typically believe that they are less likely than the average person to experience negative events, a phenomenon termed "unrealistic optimism". The direct method of assessing unrealistic optimism employs a question of the form, "Compared with the average person, what is the chance that X will occur to you?". However, it has been proposed that responses to such a question (direct-estimates) are based essentially just on estimates that X will occur to the self (self-estimates). If this is so, any factors that affect one of these estimates should also affect the other. This prediction was tested in two experiments. In each, direct- and self-estimates for an unfamiliar health threat - homocysteine-related heart problems - were recorded. It was found that both types of estimate were affected in the same way by varying the stated probability of having unsafe levels of homocysteine (Study 1, N=149) and varying the stated probability that unsafe levels of homocysteine will lead to heart problems (Study 2, N=111). The results are consistent with the proposal that direct-estimates are constructed just from self-estimates.     

Self-estimates of intelligence: a study in two African countries

Black and White South Africans (n = 181) and Nigerians (n = 135) completed a questionnaire concerning the estimations of their own and their relatives' (father, mother, sister, brother) multiple intelligences as well as beliefs about the IQ concept. In contrast to previous results (A. Furnham, 2001), there were few gender differences in self-estimates. In a comparison of Black and White South Africans, it was clear the Whites gave higher estimates for self, parents, and brothers. However, overall IQ estimates for self and all relatives hovered around the mean of 100. When Black South Africans and Nigerians were compared, there were both gender and nationality differences on the self-estimates with men giving higher self-estimates than women and Nigerians higher self-estimates than South Africans. There were also gender and nationality differences in the answers to questions about IQ. The authors discuss possible reasons for the relatively few gender differences in this study compared with other studies as well as possible reasons for the cross-cultural difference.     

Sex differences in parents' estimations of their own and their children's multiple intelligences: a Portuguese replication

In this study, 148 Portuguese adults (M = 45.4 years) rated themselves and their children on overall IQ and on H. Gardner (1999) 10 intelligence subtypes. Men's self-estimates were not significantly higher than women's on any of the 11 estimates. The results were in line with previous studies, in that both sexes rated the overall intelligence of their first male children higher than the first female children. Higher parental IQ self-estimates correspond with higher IQ estimates for children. Globally parents estimated that their sons had significantly higher IQs than their daughters. In particular, parents rated their son's spiritual intelligence higher than those of their daughters. Children's age and sex, and parents' age and sex were all non-significant predictors of the overall "g" score estimates of the first two children. Participants thought verbal, mathematical, and spatial intelligence were the best indicators of the overall intelligence for self and children. There were no sex differences in experience of, or attitudes towards, intelligence testing. Results are discussed in terms of the growing literature in the self-estimates of intelligence, as well as limitations of that approach.     

Parents think their sons are brighter than their daughters: sex differences in parental self-estimations and estimations of their children's multiple intelligences

In this study, 156 participants, predominantly White British adults (M age = 44.3 years) rated themselves on overall IQ and on H. Gardner's (1983) 7 intelligence subtypes. Parents (n = 120) also estimated the intelligence of their children. Men's self-estimates were significantly higher than women's (110.15 vs. 104.84). Participants thought their verbal, mathematical, and spatial intelligence scores were the best indicators of their own overall intelligence. Parents estimated that their sons had significantly higher IQs than their daughters (115.21 vs. 107.49). Self-estimates and estimates of children's multiple intelligences were higher for men and sons, significantly so for logical-mathematical and spatial intelligence. Parents rated 2nd-born daughters as having significantly higher verbal and musical intelligence than their male counterparts. Higher parental IQ self-estimates corresponded with higher IQ estimates for children. Results for 1st-born children were clearest and showed the most significant differences. The findings are interpreted in terms of sociocultural and familial influences and the possibility of actual sex differences in particular abilities.     

Local dominance in health risk perception

Local comparisons with a few people displace the influence of general comparisons with many people during self-evaluation of performance and ability. The current research examined whether this local dominance effect obtains in the domain of health risk perception, an outcome of critical importance given its direct relation to preventative health behaviours. Participants received manipulated feedback indicating that their risk of diabetes (Study 1) or a serious car accident (Study 2) ranked above average or below average relative to numerous peers. Additionally, some participants were told that their risk ranked highest or lowest relative to a few peers. Participants evaluated their risk as significantly higher when they only knew that it ranked above average than below average. However, this effect was eliminated among participants who received additional local comparison information. These findings highlight the potential biasing influence of local comparison on everyday health judgment and behaviour.     

Parent‐selected interventions for infants at‐risk for autism spectrum disorders and their affected siblings

Infants with older siblings having Autism Spectrum Disorders (ASD) are at genetically increased risk for showing characteristics of ASD in the first 2 years of life. Parents, who already have at least one child with ASD, may closely monitor their later born children and implement interventions as soon as the children begin to show what the parents believe is aberrant behavior or development that may be early stages of ASD. To date, no study has examined the number and types of services and interventions these parents access for their at‐risk infants. Using a Service and Intervention Questionnaire developed for this study, we interviewed 23 parents involved in a larger prospective study of genetically at‐risk infants who reported developmental and/or behavior problems in their at‐risk infants. Parents reported utilizing a mean of 1.83 and 7.26 services and/or interventions for their at‐risk infants and older children with ASD, respectively. Two‐thirds of the interventions received by the infants were also given to their older affected siblings. The interventions included empirically validated approaches (e.g., early intensive behavioral intervention), professional services (speech–language therapy, occupational therapy), and non‐validated treatments (e.g., diet and vitamin therapies). Overall, 81 non‐validated and 18 validated interventions were used. On a Likert‐type rating scale, parents reported being involved and satisfied with what they generally thought were effective services. They felt more involved and satisfied with ABA, and felt it was more effective than non‐validated interventions. The findings suggest that parents with infants at‐risk for ASD and an older affected child will access a variety of autism services for both children, but the parents will implement primarily non‐validated interventions. Parent education is recommended to help parents make informed treatment decisions for their children. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Parents Think Their Sons Are Brighter Than Their Daughters: Sex Differences in Parental Self-Estimations and Estimations of Their Children's Multiple Intelligences

In this study, 156 participants, predominantly White British adults (M age = 44.3 years) rated themselves on overall IQ and on H. Gardner's (1983) 7 intelligence subtypes. Parents (n = 120) also estimated the intelligence of their children. Men's self-estimates were significantly higher than women's (110.15 vs. 104.84). Participants thought their verbal, mathematical, and spatial intelligence scores were the best indicators of their own overall intelligence. Parents estimated that their sons had significantly higher IQs than their daughters (115.21 vs. 107.49). Self-estimates and estimates of children's multiple intelligences were higher for men and sons, significantly so for logical-mathematical and spatial intelligence. Parents rated 2nd-born daughters as having significantly higher verbal and musical intelligence than their male counterparts. Higher parental IQ self-estimates corresponded with higher IQ estimates for children. Results for 1st-born children were clearest and showed the most significant differences. The findings are interpreted in terms of sociocultural and familial influences and the possibility of actual sex differences in particular abilities.     

How smart do you think you are? A meta-analysis on the validity of self-estimates of cognitive ability

Individuals' perceptions of their own level of cognitive ability are expressed through self-estimates. They play an important role in a person's self-concept because they facilitate an understanding of how one's own abilities relate to those of others. People evaluate their own and other persons' abilities all the time, but self-estimates are also used in formal settings, such as, for instance, career counseling. We examine the relationship between self-estimated and psychometrically measured cognitive ability by conducting a random-effects, multilevel meta-analysis including a total of 154 effect sizes reported in 41 published studies. Moderator variables are specified in a mixed-effects model both at the level of the individual effect size and at the study level. The overall relationship is estimated at r = .33. There is significant heterogeneity at both levels (i.e., the true effect sizes vary within and between studies), and the results of the moderator analysis show that the validity of self-estimates is especially enhanced when relative scales with clearly specified comparison groups are used and when numerical ability is assessed rather than general cognitive ability. The assessment of less frequently considered dimensions of cognitive ability (e.g., reasoning speed) significantly decreases the magnitude of the relationship. From a theoretical perspective, Festinger's (1954) theory of social comparison and Lecky's (1945) theory of self-consistency receive empirical support. For practitioners, the assessment of self-estimates appears to provide diagnostic information about a person's self-concept that goes beyond a simple "test-and-tell" approach. This information is potentially relevant for career counselors, personnel recruiters, and teachers.     

Event valence and estimates of own, average person's, and randomly chosen person's risk

People typically believe they have a lower likelihood of experiencing negative events and a greater likelihood of experiencing positive events than does the average person. This effect is greater for negative than positive events. It has been proposed that this is a by-product of a tendency for estimates of the average person's likelihood to increase with the size of the group concerned. If so, event valence should affect estimates of the average person's likelihood, but not estimates of one's own likelihood or estimates of the likelihood of a person selected at random. These predictions were tested for a single event using a student sample (N = 113). Results were not in accord with the proposal. An explanation in terms of motivational processes is offered instead.     

African parents’ estimates of their own and their children’s multiple intelligences

A total of 421 parents from four Southern African countries (Nambia, South Africa, Zambia, and Zimbabwe) estimated their own and their children’s multiple intelligences. There were consistent country and sex differences in self-estimates. Nambians tended to give lowest self-estimates and Zambians highest self-estimates. Contrary to previous findings from other continents females gave higher self-estimates than males on all seven multiple intelligences. These results were mirrored in the estimation of children: females gave higher scores than males and Zambians gave highest estimates and Nambians lowest. Reasons for these findings are discussed.     

Order of question presentation and correlation between judgments of comparative and own risk

Unrealistic optimism is often assessed using a single question asking for an estimate of comparative risk. However, it has been proposed that individuals treat such a question essentially as though it were only about their own risk. This proposal leads to the prediction that, when the questions about own risk and comparative risk are asked in sequence, the correlation between the resulting estimates should be lower if the question about own risk comes first than if the question about comparative risk comes first. This prediction was tested using a student sample (N=68). Participants answered the two types of question in sequence, with order of presentation being counterbalanced. Results were in accord with the prediction. Possible reasons are advanced for individuals' answering questions about comparative risk as if the questions concerned their own risk.     

The biasing effect of personality on self-estimates of cognitive abilities in males and females

In addition to exploring the relationship between psychometric and self-estimated measures of Crystallized Knowledge (Gc) and Visual Processing (Gv), this study investigated whether personality significantly moderated these relationships, thereby influencing the accuracy of the self-estimates. Adult participants (N = 165) completed the Big Five Inventory and self-estimated their levels of Gc and Gv. They were subsequently administered the Multidimensional Aptitude Battery II, a group test of cognitive ability. Significant and positive relationships between psychometric Gc and Gv and their respective self-estimates were found. Additionally, investigation of the moderating effects of personality for each gender separately using standard multiple regressions found that females high in Extraversion and males low in Conscientiousness were more prone to overestimating their Gv ability, while males high in Openness provided more accurate estimates of their Gv than those low in Openness. Elucidating the personality traits that distort self-perceptions of intellectual functioning has significant implications for the identification of individuals at risk of harboring inaccurate expectations, leading to the potential for interventions aimed at ameliorating associated deleterious consequences.     

Estimating One's Own and Others' Multiple Intelligence: A Cross-Cultural Study from Guinea Bissau and Portugal

This study examined the estimations of multiple intelligences for self, partner and parents. One hundred and fifty two students (males = 81, females = 68, and 3 have not indicated their sex; mean age = 24.02, SD = 3.08) from Guinea Bissau estimated their own, their partners', and their parents' IQ scores on each of Gardner's ten multiple intelligences: verbal (linguistic), logical (mathematical), spatial, musical, body-kinesthetic, interpersonal, intrapersonal, existential, spiritual and naturalistic. In contrast to previous results (A. Furnham, 2001) sex differences in self-estimates did not occur in this Guinean sample. Participants rated overall intelligence of their father higher than that of their mother. An existing data set on estimates of intelligence in a Portuguese sample was used for a cross-cultural comparison between Portuguese and Guinean participants. There were consistent and clear culture differences. Guinean gave higher self, partner and family ratings than Portuguese. Results are discussed in terms of the growing literature in the self-estimates of intelligence, as well as limitations of that approach.     

Targeting adolescent mothers with depressive symptoms for early intervention

Infants of mothers with depressive symptoms show developmental delays if symptoms persist over the first 6 months of the infant's life, thus highlighting the importance of identifying those mothers for early intervention. In Study 1, mothers with depressive symptoms (n = 160) and mothers without depressive symptoms (n = 100) and their infants were monitored to identify variables from the first 3 months that predict which mothers would still be symptomatic at 6 months. A "dysregulation" profile was noted for the infants of depressed mothers, including lower Brazelton scores, more indeterminate sleep, and elevated norepinephrine, epinephrine, and dopamine levels at the neonatal period, and greater right frontal EEG activation, lower vagal tone, and negative interactions at the 3- and 6-month periods. A group of maternal variables from the neonatal and 3-month assessments accounted for 51% of the variance in the mothers' continuing depressive symptoms. These variables included greater right frontal EEG activation, lower vagal tone, and less positive interactions at 3 months, and elevated norepinephrine, serotonin, and cortisol levels at the neonatal stage. In Study 2, a similar sample of mothers with depressive symptoms (n = 160) and without depressive symptoms (n = 100) was recruited and followed to 3 months. Those symptomatic mothers who had values above (or below) the median (depending on the negative direction) on the predictor variables identified in Study 1 (taken from the first 3 months) were then randomly assigned to an intervention or a control group at 3 months. These groups were then compared with each other, as well as with the group without depressive symptoms, at 6 and 12 months. The intervention, conducted from 3 to 6 months, consisted of free day care for the infants and a rehab program (social, educational, and vocational) plus several mood induction interventions for the mothers, including relaxation therapy, music mood induction, massage therapy, and mother-infant interaction coaching. Although the mothers who received the intervention continued to have more depressive symptoms than did the nondepressed mothers, their interactions significantly improved and their biochemical values and vagal tone normalized. Their infants also showed more positive interations, better growth, fewer pediatric complications, and normalized biochemical values, and by 12 months their mental and motor scores were better than those of the infants in the control group.     

Rationale and principles for early intervention with young children at risk for anxiety disorders

Anxiety disorders are one of the most prevalent categories of disorder among adults and children. Children of parents with anxiety disorders are known to be at higher risk for anxiety disorders themselves, with manifestations of this risk often appearing in toddlerhood or early childhood. Yet because affected parents are often unskilled in anxiety management, they often have difficulty in helping their young children learn to manage anxiety. Literature on the course of anxiety disorders through childhood and on effective cognitive-behavioral interventions suggests that preventive interventions even with very young children could potentially be of benefit in mitigating the course of these often debilitating disorders. This paper outlines the rationale for offering early or preventive interventions to preschool-age children at risk and their parents and discusses means of identifying children to target for intervention and the importance of parental involvement. Drawing upon the literature on parental factors in childhood anxiety disorders as well as on effective intervention strategies with preschool-age children, it delineates principles for intervention with parents and effective components of intervention with youngsters in this age range.     

Estimating one's own and one's relatives' multiple intelligence: a study from Argentina

Participants from Argentina (N = 217) estimated their own, their partner's, their parents' and their grandparents' overall and multiple intelligences. The Argentinean data showed that men gave higher overall estimates than women (M = 110.4 vs. 105.1) as well as higher estimates on mathematical and spatial intelligence. Participants thought themselves slightly less bright than their fathers (2 IQ points) but brighter than their mothers (6 points), their grandfathers (8 points), but especially their grandmothers (11 points). Regressions showed that participants thought verbal and mathematical IQ to be the best predictors of overall IQ. Results were broadly in agreement with other studies in the area. A comparison was also made with British data using the same questionnaire. British participants tended to give significantly higher self-estimates than for relatives, though the pattern was generally similar. Results are discussed in terms of the studies in the field.     

Less is more: meta-analyses of sensitivity and attachment interventions in early childhood

Is early preventive intervention effective in enhancing parental sensitivity and infant attachment security, and if so, what type of intervention is most successful? Seventy studies were traced, producing 88 intervention effects on sensitivity (n = 7,636) and/or attachment (n = 1,503). Randomized interventions appeared rather effective in changing insensitive parenting (d = 0.33) and infant attachment insecurity (d = 0.20). The most effective interventions used a moderate number of sessions and a clear-cut behavioral focus in families with, as well as without, multiple problems. Interventions that were more effective in enhancing parental sensitivity were also more effective in enhancing attachment security, which supports the notion of a causal role of sensitivity in shaping attachment.     

The better-than-my-average effect: The relative impact of peak and average performances in assessments of the self and others

We examine whether people call to mind different manifestations of various traits when considering what they are like than when considering what others are like. Specifically, do people think that peak manifestations of their traits and abilities best capture who they are themselves, but that other people are better captured by their average performances or trait expressions? In Studies 1a and 1b, participants were more likely to believe that their own most attractive photographs best represent their typical appearance than others' do. In Study 2, participants' estimates of where they stand on various trait dimensions coincided with their highest possible standing, whereas their estimates of an acquaintance's standing coincided with the midpoint between the latter's highest and lowest possible standing. In Study 3, regression analyses revealed that students' predictions of their own final exam score were based most heavily on their highest score received to that point, but their predictions of someone else's final exam score was based most heavily on that student's average score. We discuss how this tendency fits in the broader literature on self-other differences in evaluation and how it contributes to above-average effect.     

Differential construal and the false consensus effect

People's own beliefs, values, and habits tend to bias their perceptions of how widely they are shared. The present research examined whether this "false consensus effect" is partly due to people's failure to recognize that their choices are not solely a function of the "objective" response alternatives, but of their subjective construal of those alternatives. Study 1 provided initial support for the importance of differential construal in people's consensus estimates by showing that larger false consensus effects tend to be obtained on items that permit the most latitude for subjective construal. Study 2 replicated this effect experimentally by asking Ss either a general or specific version of the same question. Larger false consensus effects were obtained on the general version that offered more latitude for construal. Studies 3 & 4 provided further support by showing that (a) Ss who made different choices tended to interpret the response alternatives in ways that reflected the choices they made and (b) subjects who were led to construe the alternatives in the same way tended to make the same choices.