Dissociations among functional categories in Korean agrammatism

This study investigated the hypothesis that the syntactic trees formed by individuals with agrammatic aphasia cannot be constructed any higher than an impaired node as suggested by the tree-pruning hypothesis (Friedman, 1994; Friedmann & Grodzinsky, 1997) and hypothesis. It also examined their following implication that the members of a certain functional category are subject to the same degree of impairment. Two experiments were conducted to investigate a Korean agrammatic patient's use and understanding of three functional categories--Mood, Tense, and Complementizer. The results showed a dissociation among functional categories that preserves the higher node while leaving the lower node impaired both in production and comprehension. Another dissociation was found among members of the same category depending on their linear position in the clause. These results contrast with the predictions of the tree-pruning hypothesis, suggesting that the nearer to the end of the clause a functional element is located, the better it is preserved in Korean agrammatism.     

Lexical, morphological, and syntactic aspects of verb production in agrammatic aphasics

Agrammatic aphasics do not exhibit a normal pattern of verb production; their spontaneous speech is said to lack verbs, and the verbs that are produced lack inflection. The current article focuses on the lexical, morphological, and syntactic aspects of verbs in spontaneous speech of a group of Dutch agrammatic speakers. Dutch is a so-called verb-second language in which the finite verb in the matrix clause is in the second position and nonfinite verbs are in the final position. The analysis shows that agrammatic speakers are sensitive to this relation; they virtually never produce finite verbs in the final clause position or nonfinite verbs in the second position. Nevertheless, they produce significantly fewer finite clauses than do non-brain-damaged speakers. The diversity of the lexical verbs in spontaneous speech is also lower than in non-brain-damaged speakers, but this is due to less variation in the finite lexical verbs. Hence, it is suggested that the problems with verbs in Dutch agrammatic spontaneous speech are restricted to finite lexical verbs. In an experiment, it was evaluated whether these problems with finite lexical verbs are caused by a morphological deficit or a syntactic deficit. The data show that a syntactic deficit is more likely; Dutch agrammatic speakers produce finite verbs in the base-generated position (i.e., in the embedded clause) significantly better than finite verbs that have been moved to the second position (i.e., in the matrix clause). From these data, the authors conclude that in Dutch, a verb-second language, agrammatic aphasics demonstrate specific problems with moved finite verbs, although they are perfectly aware of the relation between verb position and verb finiteness. This syntactic problem affects not only the proportion of finite verbs but also the diversity of the verbs and, hence, communicative contents.     

Tense and Agreement dissociations in German agrammatic speakers: underspecification vs. hierarchy

The aim of the present paper was to investigate whether German agrammatic production data are compatible with the Tree-Pruning-Hypothesis (TPH; Friedmann & Grodzinsky, 1997). The theory predicts unidirectional patterns of dissociation in agrammatic production data with respect to Tense and Agreement. However, there was evidence of a double dissociation between Tense and Agreement in our data. The presence of a bidirectional dissociation is incompatible with any theory which assumes a hierarchical order between these categories such as the TPH or other versions thereof (such as Lee's, 2003 top--down hypothesis). It will be argued that the data can better be accounted for by relying on newer linguistic theories such as the Minimalist Program (MP,), which does not assume a hierarchical order between independent syntactic Tense and Agreement nodes but treats them as different features (semantically interpretable vs. uninterpretable) under a single node.     

The quantitative analysis of agrammatic production: procedure and data

Despite the long-standing interest in structural aspects of aphasic production, no method has emerged for the systematic analysis of aphasic speech. This paper attempts to address that need by outlining a procedure for the quantitative assessment of narrative speech which yields measures for both morphological and structural characteristics of aphasic production. In addition to complete instructions for carrying out this analysis, data for three groups of subjects are presented: agrammatic aphasics, aphasics who are similarly nonfluent but not clinically judged as agrammatic, and normal controls. While the agrammatics were distinguishable from the nonagrammatic patients on most measures, both nonfluent groups showed comparable reductions in the structural complexity of their propositional utterances. Other findings include indications from individual patient data that aspects of grammatical morphology may dissociate in agrammatism.     

Controversies about CP: a comparison of language acquisition and language impairments in Broca's aphasia

In both language acquisition research and the study of language impairments in Broca's aphasia there is an ongoing debate whether or not phrase-structure representations contain the Complementizer Phrase (CP) layer. To shed some light on this debate, I will provide data on German child language and on German agrammatic Broca's aphasia. Analyses of subordinate clauses, wh-questions, and verb placement indicate that early child grammars do not generate the CP layer yet, whereas the ability to project the CP layer is retained in agrammatism.     

The crucial role of tense for verb production

The case of an aphasic patient whose spontaneous speech contains very few lexical verbs is reported. Instead of sentences with lexical verbs, the patient produces many (grammatical) copular constructions. He also substitutes lexical verbs with the copula. Although this results in ungrammatical utterances, by doing so, a resemblance of sentence structure and a degree of grammaticality of his utterances are preserved. Although the patient is more impaired in naming action than object pictures, it is unlikely that lexical retrieval difficulties are solely responsible for the paucity of lexical verbs in his speech. A series of tests revealed a profound deficit in producing tense marking inflections and in understanding their significance. We argue that the unavailability of tense features is the primary reason for the lack of lexical verbs in his speech. An alternative possibility, that the tense deficit interacts with the verb retrieval deficit, is also discussed. The patient has a complex lesion and language profile, with features associated with both Broca's and Wernicke's aphasia. However, since the study focuses on his verb and tense deficits and the grammaticality of his utterances, issues that are often discussed in relation to agrammatic Broca's aphasia, the literature that is relevant to these topics and to Broca's aphasia is reviewed, despite the different diagnostic profile of the patient.     

Verb inflection and verb diversity in three populations: agrammatic speakers, normally developing children, and children with specific language impairment (SLI)

The present study focuses on the relation between a grammatical and a lexical-semantic aspect of verb production. The spontaneous speech of three different populations (normally developing children, agrammatic aphasics, and children with a specific language impairment) has been analyzed with respect to the proportion of finite clauses and the diversity of the produced lexical verbs. The group results show that in the three populations both the proportion of finite verbs and the variability of the lexical verbs is low. When the individual scores are considered, differences between the normally developing children and the language-impaired subjects show up. Whereas in normally developing children verb finiteness and verb variability go hand-in-hand, the reverse relationship between these variables is observed in the agrammatic aphasics and the children with a specific language impairment. Given this reverse relationship, it is probable to assume two separate disorders. We therefore suggest an impairment at the interface level where lexical information and syntactic structure are integrated during sentence production.     

A psychometric analysis of functional category production in English agrammatic narratives

Hierarchical models of agrammatism propose that sentence production deficits can be accounted for in terms of clausal syntactic structure [Friedmann, N., & Grodzinsky, Y. (1997). Tense and agreement in agrammatic production: Pruning the syntactic tree. Brain and Language, 56, 397-425; Hagiwara, H. (1995). The breakdown of functional categories and the economy of derivation. Brain and Language, 50, 92-116]. Such theories predict that morpho-syntactic elements associated with higher nodes in the syntactic tree (complementizers and verb inflections) will be more impaired than elements associated with lower structural positions (negation markers and aspectual verb forms). While this hypothesis has been supported by the results of several studies [Benedet, M. J., Christiansen, J. A., & Goodglass, H. (1998). A cross-linguistic study of grammatical morphology in Spanish- and English-speaking agrammatic patients. Cortex, 34, 309-336; Friedmann, N. (2001). Agrammatism and the psychological reality of the syntactic tree. Journal of Psycholinguistic Research, 30, 71-88; Friedmann, N. (2002). Question production in agrammatism: The tree pruning hypothesis. Brain and Language, 80, 160-187], it has also been challenged on several grounds [Burchert, F., Swoboda-Moll, M., & De Bleser, R. (2005a). Tense and agreement dissociations in German agrammatic speakers: Underspecification vs. hierarchy. Brain and Language, 94, 188-199; Lee, M. (2003). Dissociations among functional categories in Korean agrammatism. Brain and Language, 84, 170-188; Lee, J., Milman, L. H., & Thompson, C. K. (2005). Functional category production in agrammatic speech. Brain and Language, 95, 123-124]. In this paper the question of hierarchical structure was re-examined within the framework of Item Response Theory [IRT, Rasch, G. (1980). Probabilistic models for some intelligence and attainment tests (Expanded ed.). Chicago: University of Chicago Press]. IRT is a probabilistic model widely used in the field of psychometrics to model behavioral constructs as numeric variables. In this study we examined production of functional categories (complementizers, verb inflections, negation markers, and aspectual verb forms) in narrative samples elicited from 18 individuals diagnosed with nonfluent aphasia and 18 matched controls. Data from the aphasic participants were entered into an IRT analysis to test (1) whether production of clausal functional categories can be represented as a variable on a numeric scale; and (2) whether production patterns were consistent with hierarchical syntactic structure. Pearson r correlation coefficients were also computed to determine whether there was a relation between functional category production and other indices of language performance. Results indicate that functional category production can be modeled as a numeric variable using IRT. Furthermore, although variability was observed across individuals, consistent patterns were evident when the data were interpreted within a probabilistic framework. Although functional category production was moderately correlated with a second measure of clausal structure (clause length), it was not correlated with more distant language constructs (noun/verb ratio and WAB A.Q.). These results suggest that functional category production is related to some, but not all, measures of agrammatic language performance.     

Agrammatism in sentence production without comprehension deficits: reduced availability of syntactic structures and/or of grammatical morphemes? A case study

A French-speaking patient with Broca's aphasia--following a left-hemisphere lesion involving the sylvian region but sparing Broca's area--is presented. Like G. Miceli, A. Mazzuchi, L. Menn, and H. Goodglass's (1983, Brain and Language, 19, 65-97) case 2, this patient produces agrammatic speech in the absence of any comprehension deficit. Unlike Miceli's patient, though, agrammatic speech can be observed in all sentence production tasks (from spontaneous speech to repetition, oral reading, and writing) whereas production of individual words--be they open class or closed class--is almost always intact. On the basis of extensive (psycho)linguistic testing, it is argued that this patient's deficit is not central and not crucially syntactic (at least) at the level of knowledge but seems to disrupt specifically those (automatic?) processes responsible for both retrieval and production of free-standing grammatical morphemes whenever they have to be inserted into phrases and sentences.     

Production of non-canonical sentences in agrammatic aphasia: limits in representation or rule application?

The study reported here compares two linguistically informed hypotheses on agrammatic sentence production, the TPH [Friedmann, N., & Grodzinsky, Y. (1997). Tense and agreement in agrammatic production: Pruning the syntactic tree. Brain and Language, 56, 397-425.] and the DOP [Bastiaanse, R., & van Zonneveld, R. (2005). Sentence production with verbs of alternating transitivity in agrammatic Broca's aphasia. Journal of Neurolinguistics, 18, 59-66]. To explain impaired production of non-canonical sentences in agrammatism, the TPH basically relies on deleted or pruned clause structure positions in the left periphery, whereas the DOP appeals to limitations in the application of movement rules. Certain non-canonical sentences such as object-questions and object-relative clauses require the availability of nodes in the left periphery as well as movement to these nodes. In languages with relatively fixed word order such as English, the relevant test cases generally involve a coincidence of left periphery and movement, such that the predictions of the TPH and the DOP are identical although for different reasons. In languages with relatively free word order such as German, on the other hand, it is possible to devise specific tests of the different predictions due to the availability of scrambling. Scrambled object sentences, for example, do not involve the left periphery but do require application of movement in a domain below the left periphery. A study was conducted with German agrammatic subjects which elicited canonical sentences without object movement and non-canonical scrambled sentences with object movement. The results show that agrammatic speakers have a particular problem with the production of scrambled sentences. Further evidence reported in the study from spontaneous speech, elicitation of object relatives, questions and passives and with different agrammatic subjects confirms that non-canonical sentences are generally harder to produce for agrammatics. These findings provide evidence in favor of the DOP and it will be argued that a cross-modal explanation of agrammatic deficits is possible if two factors--movement and canonicity--are taken into consideration.     

Selective Deficit of One Language in a Bilingual Patient Following Surgery in the Left Perisylvian Area

We report on a right-handed bilingual patient with a left perisylvian arteriovenous malformation that caused a mild naming deficit evident only on formal language testing in both languages. Sodium amytal injected in the left carotid artery (Wada test) before surgery resulted in speech arrest for both languages. Following surgery for removal of the lesion she developed additional deficits in her native language without alteration in her second language. Selective impairment in one language after surgery demonstrates that each language has different anatomical representation within the perisylvian dominant area.     

Interaction between verbal and gestural language in progressive aphasia: a longitudinal case study.

The objective of this longitudinal study is to investigate the on-line interaction between praxis and linguistic abilities in a progressive aphasia case. During 3 years of evolution, procedural discourse of a progressive aphasic patient was videotaped five times, allowing us to analyze the progression of both language and gestural production as well as the interaction between these two. We anticipated that, in the absence of apraxia, the patient would compensate for her speech deficit by producing progressively more and more meaningful gestures. Our compensatory hypothesis was confirmed but the compensation was not as efficient as one would expect given the absence of apraxia. With the progression of the speech deficit, the patient could not replace some verbs by pantomimes that were otherwise accompanying her discourse in the preceding testing sessions. We suggest that such a compensatory ability may constitute one important characteristic of the progressive aphasia syndrome.     

Regular and irregular morphology and its relationship with agrammatism: evidence from two Spanish-Catalan bilinguals

We report the performance of two aphasic patients in a morphological transformation task. Both patients are Spanish-Catalan bilingual speakers who were diagnosed with agrammatic Broca's aphasia. In the morphological transformation task, the two patients were asked to produce regular and irregular verb forms. The patients showed poorer performance with irregular than regular morphological transformations in both of their languages. These results are at odds with the proposal that agrammatic speech is always or even preponderantly associated with poorer performance in processing regular versus irregular verb form. Instead, these results support the view that a major component of agrammatic production is a deficit in morphosyntactic processing, independently of whether this processing ultimately involves regular or irregular forms.     

Neuropsychological analysis of a case of crossed dysphasia verified at postmortem

A case is reported of crossed dysphasia in a right-handed monolingual patient, where neuropathological verification of the unilateral site of the lesion was obtained within a year of detailed neuropsychological assessment. The patient's pattern of language impairment was characterized by agrammatic speech and relatively preserved naming ability. In addition, the patient had good repetition, poor comprehension, and marked impairment on visuospatial tasks. Neuropathological investigations showed a large area of infarction affecting cortex, white matter, and subcortical structures in the right hemisphere. The possibility is discussed of a distinction between two types of crossed dysphasia with either dissociated or simultaneous language and visuospatial deficits due to reversed representation of hemispheric specific functions or transfer of most cognitive functions to the right hemisphere.     

Sources of variability in children’s language growth

The present longitudinal study examines the role of caregiver speech in language development, especially syntactic development, using 47 parent–child pairs of diverse SES background from 14 to 46 months. We assess the diversity (variety) of words and syntactic structures produced by caregivers and children. We use lagged correlations to examine language growth and its relation to caregiver speech. Results show substantial individual differences among children, and indicate that diversity of earlier caregiver speech significantly predicts corresponding diversity in later child speech. For vocabulary, earlier child speech also predicts later caregiver speech, suggesting mutual influence. However, for syntax, earlier child speech does not significantly predict later caregiver speech, suggesting a causal flow from caregiver to child. Finally, demographic factors, notably SES, are related to language growth, and are, at least partially, mediated by differences in caregiver speech, showing the pervasive influence of caregiver speech on language growth.     

A procedural approach to the study of aphasia

Linguistic models have a fundamental weakness in the study of aphasia in that as models of a single linguistic competence they cannot in principle explain dissociations in language disturbances. Procedural (i.e., computational) models of specific language abilities/tasks are to be preferred in that they can explain dissociation data and they are necessarily very detailed to account for varied patterns of disrupted behavior. A procedural model of sentence production is outlined and the model is applied to account for some aspects of agrammatic speech.     

Self-monitoring behavior in a case of severe auditory agnosia with aphasia

This case report describes an unusual combination of speech and language deficits secondary to bilateral infarctions in a 62-year-old woman. The patient was administered an extensive series of speech, language, and audiologic tests and was found to exhibit a fluent aphasia in which reading and writing were extremely well preserved in comparison to auditory comprehension and oral expression, and a severe auditory agnosia. In spite of her auditory processing deficits, the patient exhibited unexpected self-monitoring ability and the capacity to form acoustic images on visual tasks. The manner in which she corrected and attempted to correct her phonemic errors, while ignoring semantic errors, suggests that different mechanisms may underlie the monitoring of these errors.