公民教育与思想政治教育:比较视野

本文针对学术界对公民教育与思想政治教育的关系认识不足的问题,从教育的基本要素层面对两者进行了比较研究.通过比较研究明确了思想政治教育与西方公民教育在结构要素层面的特点,并提出了构建中国特色社会主义公民教育体系的设想.     

何增科著:《公民社会与第三部门》

自20世纪80年代以来,公民社会理论再度流行,成为当代西方学术研究的一个热门话题.以非政府组织或非营利组织为研究对象的第三部门研究也兴起于80年代.起初这两种理论研究的关系并不密切,进入90年代后,公民社会理论家开始转向从政治社会学的角度对作为一个社会实体的公民社会进行实证的研究,而第三部门研究者也开始关注诸如非政府组织或非盈利部门的作用及其与国家和市场的关系等理论问题,双方开始找到理论的契合点.     

特殊信任视野中的公民法治观念——基于两次延续性调查的研究视角

在人类社会的早期,信任问题就已经被人们所关注,无论是中国的先秦还是西方的古希腊,都有关于信任方面的大量论述。但是,人类早期关于信任的认识只是表面的、零星的,并没有深入细致的探讨。20世纪开始,人们才对信任问题进行了专门化、系统化的研究和论述。信任作为一种重要的社会资本,在与人力资本、金融资本等推动经济发展的同时,更显示出了其重要的政治功能。信任是现代民主制度建立的基础,更是维系政治稳定的粘合剂。自古以来民主和法治形影不离,而信任是否也会对与民主政治紧密相连的公民法治观念产生影响呢?本研究以南京市的实证调查为例,通过多元回归分析等统计分析方法,对特殊信任与公民法治观念之间的关联性进行实证层面的剖析,并对如何提高公民的普遍信任度从而培育公民法治观念进行反思和展望。     

西方宗教教育在思想政治教育中的作用

西方国家的宗教教育非常活跃,并行使某种思想政治教育的职能。西方国家的宗教教育在对国民进行道德熏陶和政治控制,培养公民的民族精神和社会信仰,调和阶级关系,维护社会稳定,以及解决公民日常的思想问题和精神困惑等方面起着重要作用,对我国思想政治教育有着借鉴意义。     

复兴国家:国家理论的新形态

民族国家的架构尽管日益式微,但它在组织全球化经济、全球化政治和正在形成的全球公民社会中仍然占有首要地位。民族国家不是在消亡,而是正在被重新想象、重新设计、重新调整方向以回应一系列挑战。相应地,对国家的研究在现时代仍然具有重要意义,在全球化背景下,全球资本、全球公民社会、全球治理与民族国家的关系研究构成了国家理论的新形态。     

社会与政治运动理论:框架与反思

本文在与美国主流社会与政治运动理论进行对话和点评的基础上,全面而简要地介绍了西方社会与政治运动理论的基本分析框架、理论要点、研究方法和发展趋势,尤其是西方社会运动理论和革命理论发展的内在逻辑,以及作者本人基于多年学术研究实践基础上的反思。只有面对中国自己的真问题,才能发展出一套与西方既有理论既能对话,又有所超越的、中国学者自己的社会与政治运动理论。     

社会运动研究的国家-社会关系视角

政治机会结构理论是西方社会运动研究近30年来的主流范式.但此理论是基于西方国家政治体制和社会结构所归纳出的经验理论,在解释西方早期社会运动和非西方国家的社会运动方面,存在着自变量和因变量范围过于狭窄、解释能力不足等缺点.本文指出,国家主义理论以及后来进一步发展的国家-社会关系视角是研究社会运动的替代性范式.国家-社会关系清楚定义国家性质、社会性质以及国家与社会关系,对于认识作为集体性抗争政治形式的社会运动具有重要价值.     

论第三种自由概念

自由是政治哲学的核心概念。西方政治哲学过去三十余年的发展基本上是在消极自由与积极自由二分法(Berlin)的理论框架之中展开的。社群主义的崛起不但没有走出反而强化了这种二元对峙的概念樊篱。晚近以来公民共和主义的重新发现和阐释则另辟蹊径,提出了第三种自由概念(Pettit;Skinner,pp.237-268),试图运用全新的理论架构全面整合自由主义与共和主义的政治遗产。准确地把握第三种自由概念的内涵,不但影响到政治哲学史的谱系构成,关系到对自由主义、社群主义之争的恰当理解,而且有助于在既多元分化又全球一体的复杂社会中对自由理想的坚持与捍卫。     

论民主制度下的政治忠诚缺失及其对策

民主制度需要公民的政治忠诚.西方民主制度下却出现了公民政治忠诚的缺失现象,它使公民公共意识缺乏、个人权利得不到更好的保护和国家利益遭受损失.它的造成既有民主制度自身的原因,又有民主制度之外的原因.由于西方民主制度下公民政治忠诚的缺失与自由主义政治伦理话语有着内在联系,因此,只有超越西方自由主义政治伦理话语,民主制度所需要的公民政治忠诚才可能产生,民主制度才会健康地运转.     

基督教会在巩固非洲政治民主化成果中的作用北大核心CSSCISSCI

至20世纪90年代中期,撒哈拉以南非洲多数国家完成了从集权政体向民主政体的转变。尽管民主政治的制度性框架已经在这些国家构建,但其在运行过程中仍然暴露出诸多问题,民主政治成果的巩固面临巨大挑战。非洲基督教会通过扮演监督者、调解者与民主政治文化教育者的角色,纠正了民选政府偏离民主轨道的行为,缓和了党派矛盾,在公民中初步树立了平等意识、参与意识、选举责任等民主价值观,巩固、推进和完善了非洲政治民主化的成果。     

Origines et développement des théories d’horloge interne du temps psychologique

The article describes the origins and development of internal clock theory. The history is traced via body temperature studies in the 1920s and 1930s, with input from 19th. century and early 20th. century psychophysics, through to the model of Treisman (1963). This model derived timed behaviour from an interaction of internal clock, memory store, and comparison processes. A successor to Treisman's model was the scalar expectancy theory (SET) of Gibbon and colleagues (1984). The origins of SET in animal Psychology are described, as is its application to human timing (in the early 1990s), in particular recent work on the operation of the internal clock itself. Finally, a discussion of some recent developmental studies of timing illustrates both how internal clock models have been applied, and how modern research may require a reconceptualization of the operation of classical internal clock models.     

China's importation of Western psychiatry: Cultural relativity and mental disorders

As one aspect of China's modernization, the importation of Western psychiatric ideas poses a mystery. How are such ideas integrated with traditional assumptions? The apparently wholesale adoption of Western psychiatric categories runs counter to the fact that the Chinese have been generally reluctant to define problems in highly individualized psychiatric terms. Our lack of knowledge as to how the Chinese and Western medical models interface raises questions about the cross-cultural applicability of psychiatric theory. Ironically, the very conceptual categories intended to facilitate professional discourse obscure cultural, political, and epistemological differences between Chinese and Western thought. This paper focuses on certain incongruities in psychiatric theory and practice in order to underscore many unresolved issues that still exist with respect to our cross-cultural understandings of ‘mental illness’. Insofar as the trend has been towards standardizing methodology, taxonomies have been generated without a corresponding development in textured comparison. Originating from Western theoretical frameworks, comparative analyses have been otherwise devoid of culture-specific knowledge. The goal of this paper is to show that these categorical assumptions are still premature, and that examining the meaning of current ‘rates of mental illness’ in China specifically raises more questions than it answers. Hopefully, this discussion will stimulate a renewed interest in ethnographic methods that would uncover locally-based understandings and thereby create the basis for a more sophisticated epidemiological comparison.     

Motivations for Political Discussion: Antecedents and Consequences on Civic Engagement

Scholarship on informal discussion of politics and current events has mainly focused on its cognitive, attitudinal, and behavioral effects. In comparison, fewer studies have addressed the antecedents of political talk. Using 2‐wave U.S. panel survey data, this study sheds light over 2 sets of motivations people may have for engaging in political conversation: civic‐oriented and social‐oriented goals; and their effects over civic participation. Using structural equation modeling, results suggest that both civic and social motivations are positive predictors of frequency of political discussion, and indirectly associated with civic engagement. From a theoretical perspective, these findings cast political talk as a more complex phenomenon than what deliberative theory suggests, and point to social motivations as an additional path to civic life.     

How to Construct Marxian Thoughts as a Political Philosophy?

Importance of contemporary political philosophy has increased in recent decades. Since the 1970s, studies of Marx’s theories have become an important part of the discussion within contemporary theories of justice. More extensive studies concerning Marxist political philosophy from multiple perspectives are becoming a focal point in other fields of academic research. “How to understand Marx’s political philosophy?” has been a classic question for over a hundred years. Not an academic philosopher himself, Marx seems not to have issued a complete or consistent political philosophy by today’s standards, so it is only natural that his views would be interpreted differently by different scholars. While it is justifiable for us to construct Marx’s political philosophy, we must do it through a comprehensive theoretical reflection, and our construction must take full account of the history of the interpretations of Marx’s political philosophy. This applies especially of his theory of justice—a history which has lasted for more than a century. It is even more important for us to reread the original texts, particularly Marx’s early philosophical writings, and take them as the textual foundation for Marx’s political philosophy.     

Ideology obscured. Political uses of the self in Daniel Stern's infant

Daniel Stern's (1985) respected theory of infant development is critiqued from a social-constructionist perspective in order to demonstrate how decontextualized psychology theories inadvertantly perpetuate the political status quo. Self-invariants in the core-self phase are discussed as reflections of the current configuration of self rather than a discovery of universal elements of human development. The parental attunement response is reinterpreted as a way by which Western interiority and subjectivity are socially constructed. Language as the fundamental cause of alienation and dividedness is disputed. In Stern's theory, universal qualities of the self and the processes of language acquisition are responsible for several psychological ills characteristic of the 20th century. By exonerating political structures as causal factors, decontextualized theories legitimize, justify, and perpetuate current arrangements of power and privilege.     

Culture, Society, and the Individual: Cross-Cultural Political Psychology in Japan

Studies of political behavior and attitudes in Japan have often looked to similarities and differences between the West, most notably the U.S., and Japan. This paper details two approaches concerned with examining Japanese social and political behavior within a cross-cultural context. The first—nihonjinron—works with cultural nationalism, which argues that Japanese values are unique and thus no social theory developed in the West can be applied to Japanese society. The second approach is characterized by field studies and tries to assess Japanese social behavior by comparing it to that of Americans and Europeans. There is a great deal of knowledge on political behavior in Western countries which scholars in Japan often refer to in order to evaluate the significance of their survey results. But there is still limited information on the Japanese situation, and any attempt to construct a general theory in either cultural or cross-cultural political psychology will have to refer also to human attitudes in this non-Western industrial society.     

Neutrality, Rebirth and Intergenerational Justice

A basic feature of liberal political philosophy is its commitment to religious neut-rality. Contemporary philosophical discussion of intergenerational justice violates this com-mitment, as it proceeds on the basis of controversial metaphysical assumptions. The Contractualist notion of a power imbalance between generations and Derek Parfit's non-identity claims both presuppose that humans are not reborn. Yet belief in rebirth underlies Hindu and Buddhist traditions espoused by millions throughout the world. These traditions clearly constitute what John Rawls dubs "reasonable comprehensive doctrines", and therefore cannot be dismissed by political liberals. In many societies, including the USA, the UK, and India, belief in rebirth exists alongside other traditions, as well as modern Western views. A liberal theory for such societies must be impartial regarding rebirth, and the after-life in general. Two alternatives forms of liberal neutrality are sketched, based on Contractualism and Consequentialism.     

Optimism and realism: A review of self‐efficacy from a cross‐cultural perspective

T his review critically examines much of the research investigating self‐efficacy beliefs through cross‐cultural comparisons. Two sets of cross‐cultural comparison groups are examined: Asian (or immigrant Asian) versus Western, and Eastern European versus Western European and American groups. After an introduction to self‐efficacy theory, some cross‐cultural aspects of self and self‐beliefs are discussed, and the cultural dimensions of individualism and collectivism are introduced. Analysis of the articles focuses on differences in levels of efficacy beliefs, calibration of beliefs with performance, methodological problems, and implications for practice. Almost all of the 20 studies reviewed found efficacy beliefs to be lower for non‐Western cultural groups, but in some cases these lower beliefs were more predictive of subsequent functioning. There is some evidence that the mean efficacy beliefs of a cultural group are modified through immigration or political changes. For some non‐Western groups, collective efficacy appears to operate in much the same way as self‐efficacy operates for Western groups. Realistic—as opposed to optimistic—efficacy beliefs do not necessarily predict poor performance for all cultural groups, as has been suggested by self‐efficacy theory. Only a minority of the studies included measurement of cultural dimensions such as individualism and collectivism, although most of the studies based conclusions on assumed cultural differences. In some cases, self‐efficacy was poorly defined and bore little resemblance to theoretically derived definitions. Conclusions from this research have implications especially for applied settings in education and business: Efficacy beliefs and performance appear to be enhanced when training approaches are congruent with the individual's sense of self. Lower levels of self‐efficacy beliefs found in some collectivist groups do not always signify lower subsequent performance, but are instead reflective of differing construals of self.     

The concept of personality in 19th-century French and 20th-century American psychology

Since the 1920s, the road to the acknowledgement of personality psychology as a field of scientific psychology that has individuality as its object began with the founding of the discipline by Gordon W. Allport. Historians of psychology have made serious attempts to reconstruct the cultural, political, institutional, and chronological beginnings of this field in America in the 20th century. In this literature, however, an important European tradition of psychological studies of personality that developed in France in the 2nd half of the 19th century has been overlooked. The aim of this article is to cast some light on this unexplored tradition of psychological personality studies and to discuss its influence on the development of the scientific study of personality in the United States.     

The Emotional Foundation of Political Cognition: The Impact of Extrinsic Anxiety on the Formation of Political Tolerance Judgments

Common sense recognizes emotion's ability to influence judgments. We argue that affective processes, in addition to generating feeling states, also influence how political cognition is manifested. Drawing on the theory of affective intelligence, we examine the role that anxiety plays in how and when people rely on predispositions and when they rely on contemporaneous information in making political tolerance judgments. We report on two experimental studies to test our arguments. In the first study we find that extrinsic anxiety generates a resistance response among subjects who hold a strong predisposition and a receptive response among those who do not. In the second study we present subjects with explicit "frames" exposing them to a pro- or anti-free speech message. We find that extrinsic anxiety enhances responsiveness to frames while an absence of anxiety diminishes the impact of these frames. Taken together these results show that affective processes shape how people make political judgments.