The Effect of Culture on a Visual-Spatial Memory Task

The visual-spatial memory ability of 25 Zairian elementary school children was compared with that of 23 Scottish children, using a variation of Kearins's (1976) object placement task. The Scottish children demonstrated significantly better visual-spatial memory than the Zairian children when the easiest (small household objects) of three arrays was presented. The Scottish and Zairian children demonstrated a similar level of visual-spatial ability when the other two arrays (geometric shapes and a variety of natural pieces of wood) were presented, and there were no significant gender differences. Although the Australian Aboriginal children's performance on the visual-spatial task in Drinkwater's (1976) study was superior to the White children's performance (Kearins, 1976, 1981), the Zairian children's performance in this study was not. Perhaps the Aboriginal groups, over countless generations navigating the trackless desert of western Australia, were forced by their environment to develop an aptitude for direction finding that Zairians (whose ecological situation more closely resembles that of Europeans) have not.     

Visual spatial memory in Australian Aboriginal children of desert regions

Visual spatial memory was investigated in Australian Aboriginal children of desert origin. The investigation arose from an environmental pressures hypothesis relating particular skills to survival requirements in a particular habitat, and follows one of a series of suggestions made by R. B. Lockard (American Psychologist, 1971, 26, 168–179) for research in the related field of comparative psychology. Aboriginal children, from 6 to 17 years, performed at significantly higher levels than white Australian children on the tasks. Item type did not affect scores of Aboriginal children, while for white Australian children familiar items were easier than less familiar, which, if potentially nameable, were easier than items unable to be differentiated by name. These indications of strategy difference between the groups were supported by overt differences in task behavior. Aboriginal children appeared to use visual strategies, while most white Australian children probably attempted verbal strategies. Extent of traditional orientation of their group of origin had little effect on the scores of Aboriginal children, who were superior performers whether they came from traditional or nontraditional backgrounds. The likely effects of differential child-rearing practices and interactions between learning and natural endowment are discussed.     

Children's and adults' recall of children's news stories in both print and audio‐visual presentation modalities

Research into adults' recall from different presentation modalities has demonstrated a recall advantage for print over television yet recent research indicates that children remember television news better than print news. An experiment was conducted by comparing children's and adults' recall of children's news stories presented in two different modalities, television and print, in order to establish whether children's recall advantage for television is dependent on their age or level of reading proficiency. A sample of 40 adults, 40 13‐year‐olds and 40 11‐year‐olds were presented with children's news stories, either in their original televised form or in a print version. All participants were aware they would be tested for recall. The results of the cued recall test indicated that children from both age groups learned more from the television news than from the print versions, regardless of age or reading proficiency and that adults remembered equal amounts from both presentation modalities. For the 11‐year‐olds the advantage of television was only found for information that had been accompanied by redundant pictures in the televised version, providing support for the dual‐coding hypothesis. For 13‐year‐olds the recall of television was not dependent on the addition of redundant visual information. Viewers and readers were found to invest the same amounts of mental effort, but reported levels of invested mental effort were found to be dependent on age and level of reading proficiency. Copyright © 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Effects of Motivation on Young Children's Object Recall and Strategy Use

The study was designed to examine the effects of motivation on young children's recall for object names and early-emerging mnemonic activities. Seventy-two 4-year-old children were randomly assigned to 1 of 3 instructional conditions: incidental, intentional, or motivational. Each child was shown 10 small toy objects and provided a 90 s study period prior to recall. The children's mnemonic behaviors were videotaped for subsequent coding. The children in the incidental condition were instructed to simply look at the toys while children in the intentional and motivational condition were given explicit instructions to remember. The motivational group was also told that they could keep whichever toys they remembered. A recognition memory task was employed to examine the extent to which the stimuli were encoded during the study period. The children's recall memory did not vary as a function of instructional condition. Children's use of singular versus multiple strategies was calculated, along with a weighted summary score giving most weight to the participant's use of mature mnemonic strategies. Significant differences in strategy use were found, favoring the motivational condition. Significant positive correlations were found between the weighted summary scores and object recall, and the teacher ratings of mastery motivation and object recall. Mastery motivation was found to be unrelated to the strategic summary scores, failing to mediate strategic behaviors. The results suggest that when providing incentives to remember, children apparently engaged in more effortful mnemonic processing in order to remember the items, even though a greater number of items were not recalled.     

Preschool children's eye‐movements during pictorial recall

We investigated eye‐movements during preschool children's pictorial recall of seen objects. Thirteen 3‐ to 4‐year‐old children completed a perceptual encoding and a pictorial recall task. First, they were exposed to 16 pictorial objects, which were positioned in one of four distinct areas on the computer screen. Subsequently, they had to recall these pictorial objects from memory in order to respond to specific questions about visual details. We found that children spent more time fixating the areas in which the pictorial objects were previously displayed. We conclude that as early as age 3–4 years old, children show specific eye‐movements when they recall pictorial contents of previously seen objects.     

Incidental visual memory for targets and distractors in visual search

We explored incidental retention of visual details of encountered objects during search. Participants searched for conjunction targets in 32 arrays of 12 pictures of real-world objects and then performed a token discrimination task that examined their memory for visual details of the targets and distractors from the search task. The results indicate that even though participants had not been instructed to memorize the objects, the visual details of search targets and distractor objects related to the targets were retained after the search. Distractor objects unrelated to the search target were remembered more poorly. Eye-movement measures indicated that the objects that were remembered were looked at more frequently during search than those that were not remembered. These results provide support that detailed visual information is included incidentally in the visual representation of an object after the object is no longer in view.     

The role of target gender and race in children's encoding of category‐neutral person information

Two studies are reported that examine whether children encode category‐neutral information about target persons with respect to gender and race categories. In Study 1, using a semi‐naturalistic adaptation of the ‘who said what?’ technique (Taylor, Fiske, Etcoff, & Ruderman, 1978), children of 5, 8 and 11 years were asked to recall peers' choices in a preference task. For all three age groups, significantly more within‐sex than between‐sex confusions were found, indicating that children had encoded neutral information about targets with respect to their sex. In Study 2, 5‐, 8‐ and 11‐year‐old children were presented with a conventional ‘who said what?’ task in which they were shown four photographs, two of black children and two of white children, along with 16 statements attributed to the target children (i.e. four statements to each child). Following this, 16 statement cards had to be assigned to photographs of the four target persons to indicate ‘who said what’. Across all age groups there were significantly more within‐ than between‐race confusions. The evidence from these two studies indicates that even for category‐neutral information, gender and race play an important role in children's initial encoding of others' behaviour.     

Learning What to Remember: Vocabulary Knowledge and Children's Memory for Object Names and Features

Although young children can map a novel name to a novel object, it remains unclear what they actually remember about objects when they initially make such a name–object association. In the current study we investigated (1) what children remembered after they were initially introduced to name–object associations and (2) how their vocabulary size and vocabulary structure influenced what they remembered. As a group, children had difficulty remembering each of the features of the original novel objects. Further analyses revealed that differences in vocabulary structure predicted children's ability to remember object features. Specifically, children who produced many names for categories organized by similarity in shape (e.g. ball, cup) had the best memory for newly‐learned objects' features—especially their shapes. In addition, the more features children remembered, the more likely they were to retain the newly learned name–object associations. Vocabulary size, however, was not predictive of children's feature memory or retention. Taken together, these findings demonstrate that children's existing vocabulary structure, rather than simply vocabulary size, influences what they attend to when encountering a new object and subsequently their ability to remember new name–object associations. Copyright © 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

What causes a memory strategy utilization deficiency?

In a “utilization deficiency,” a child spontaneously produces an appropriate strategy but receives little or no benefit from it for recall. Three studies provided evidence for two causes—children's failure to relate the task situation to their event knowledge or to link the strategy to a second strategy, in this case linking a selective attention strategy to a labeling strategy. In Study 1, 83 kindergartners and first graders were asked to remember the locations of 6 objects (e.g., animals) from a set of 12 objects (animals, household objects). The most efficient study strategy is a selective strategy—looking only at objects to be remembered. Selectivity predicted recall when the task was embedded in a story about a familiar context but not in the absence of this context. In Studies 2 and 3, instructing spontaneously selective preschool, kindergarten, and first-grade children to label the relevant objects improved recall. We discuss the possible mechanisms underlying the influence of knowledge and strategy linking and the role of production, mediational, and utilization deficiencies in the development of strategies.     

Individual differences in children's recall and suggestibility: the effect of intelligence,temperament, and self‐perceptions

This study explored the effect of intelligence, temperament, and self‐perceptions on children's recall and suggestibility. The relationship between recall and suggestibility was also examined. A total of 134 children, 63 preschoolers and 71 second graders, were exposed to a staged event involving an argument between two adults in their classrooms and were interviewed approximately 1 week later. Children were then administered verbal and performance intelligence tests and a self‐perception measure assessing perceived general competence and social acceptance. Additionally, teachers completed a questionnaire to evaluate children's shyness and emotionality. Results revealed that children with higher verbal intelligence recalled more information spontaneously than those with lower verbal intelligence and that children who provided more accurate cued recall were less suggestible than those who gave less accurate cued recall. There was also a significant interaction effect of verbal intelligence×age on suggestibility, with verbal intelligence being associated with suggestibility for younger children, but not for older children. The effect of individual difference factors on recall and suggestibility differed across age groups. Possible explanations for the results and implications for future studies are discussed. Copyright © 2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Feature bindings endure without attention: Evidence from an explicit recall task

Are integrated objects the unit of capacity of visual working memory, or is continued attention needed to maintain bindings between independently stored features? In a delayed recall task, participants reported the color and shape of a probed item from a memory array. During the delay, attention was manipulated with an exogenous cue. Recall was elevated at validly cued positions, indicating that the cue affected item memory. On invalid trials, participants most frequently recalled either both features (perfect object memory) or neither of the two features (no object memory); the frequency with which only one feature was recalled was significantly lower than predicted by feature independence as determined in a single-feature recall task. These data do not support the view that features are remembered independently when attention is withdrawn. Instead, integrated objects are stored in visual working memory without need for continued attention.     

The Relationship Between Spirituality and Eysenck's Personality Dimensions: A Replication Among English Adults

A serial recall task was used to compare performance of 15 normal and 15 learning disabled elementary school children matched on CA, IQ, and sex with two and three dimensional representations of nonverbal eight-point shapes. Two a priori assumptions were not supported: (a) no differences in recall were found between groups and (b) no differences in recall were found for either group using two or three dimensional stimuli. Three imensional stimuli did facilitate visual rehearsal at the primacy position for both groups. Learning disabled children's performance was consistent with the mediation deficiency hypothesis found with normal children.     

Expertise in pictorial perception: eye-movement patterns and visual memory in artists and laymen

In two sessions with free scanning and memory instructions, eye-movement patterns from nine artists were compared with those of nine artistically untrained participants viewing 16 pictures representing a selection of categories from ordinary scenes to abstraction: 12 pictures were made to accommodate an object-oriented viewing mode (selection of recognisable objects), and a pictorial viewing mode (selection of more structural features), and 4 were abstract. The artistically untrained participants showed preference for viewing human features and objects, while the artists spent more scanning time on structural/abstract features. A group by session interaction showed a change of viewing strategy in the artists, who viewed more objects and human features in the memory task session. A verbal test of recall memory showed no overall difference in the number of pictures remembered, but the number of correctly remembered pictorial features was significantly higher for artists than for the artistically untrained viewers, irrespective of picture type. No differences in fixation frequencies/durations were found between groups across sessions, but a significant task-dependent-group by session interaction of fixation frequency/duration showed that the artistically untrained participants demonstrated repetition effects in fewer, longer fixations with repeated viewing, while the opposite pattern obtained for the artists.     

Phonemic Processes in Children's Listening and Reading Comprehension

Two experiments were conducted to investigate the role of phonemic activation in children's listening and reading comprehension. Phonemically confusing stories were presented in a listening comprehension task to kindergarten and second-grade children and in a reading comprehension task to second-grade children only. Rhymes induced phonemic confusion more consistently than did alliteratives in both the listening and reading tasks at both grade levels, suggesting that rhyme is inherently more confusing than alliteration, and furthermore, that phonemic information is activated in similar ways when children listen and when they read silently. Children's reading skill was also assessed to examine a possible relationship between reading skill and phonemic sensitivity, but no significant interactions between children's reading skill and their sensitivity to phonemic confusion were found in the reading task. In the listening task, all groups showed phonemic confusion in gist recall scores, but prereaders were less likely than readers to exhibit susceptibility to phonemic confusion in verbatim recall scores.     

Monitoring the future: object and source memory for real and imagined events

In these experiments a memory‐monitoring decision is made, whereby subjects must decide not only whether or not to‐be‐learned stimuli will be remembered—the focus of all of the past research into the Judgement of Learning (JOL)—but also whether they will be able to assess the source of those stimuli, as assessed by a new measure, Judgement of Source (JOS). In Experiment 1 subjects had to judge whether they would remember the occurrence and the source of items that were either seen or imagined. Although seen items were better remembered and sourced than imagined, subjects were unable to predict this outcome: they underestimated their ability to recall seen items and overestimated their ability to recall imagined items. In Experiment 2 subjects had to discriminate between self‐performed or other‐performed enacted or imagined events. We expected that the motor cues associated with overt performance should provide more sensory information than had the visual input in Experiment 1, and this should help subjects to discriminate between real and imagined items. As predicted, JOL magnitude showed that subjects were now able to predict accurately that they would recall more enacted events than imagined events. JOS magnitude showed that subjects incorrectly predicted that self‐enactment would assist source memory compared to imagination. However, it was the source of other‐focused events which was more accurately remembered. The results are discussed in terms of Koriat's (1997) view about cue utility in making JOLs. Copyright © 1999 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

THE EFFECTS OF VISUAL,VERBAL, AND MOTOR ELABORATIONS ON PRESCHOOL CHILDREN'S RECALL AND COMPREHENSION OF PROSE

This study examined the differential effect of dynamic (visual and motor) and static (visual and verbal) elaborations on preschool children's Immediate and delayed memory (recall of explicit content) and comprehension (recall of Implicit content) of prose. Eighty children, ages 3 1/2 to 5 1/2 years were randomly assigned to five treatment groups: 1) Read (R) condition ‐ unelaborated single reading of story; 2) Read‐Read (RR) condition ‐ two consecutive readings (static verbal elaboration); 3) Visual (S) condition ‐ story + observation of stationary representational props (static visual elaboration); 4) Experimenter‐Manipulate (E‐M) condition ‐ story + observation of experimenter manipulating props (dynamic visual elaboration); and 5) Subject‐Manipulate (S‐M) condition ‐ story + self manipulation of props (dynamic visual‐motor elaboration). As predicted, Ss In E‐M and S‐M conditions generally exhibited greater Immediate and delayed recall of both explicit and Implicit content than did Ss In the R condition. Unexpectedly, few differences were obtained between the dynamic and static conditions, or between the static RR and S conditions, although these results were obscured by age differences and question set Interactions. However, a relatively consistent trend was revealed In the data ‐ while dynamic visual‐motor elaborations enhanced both explicit and Implicit memory, static verbal elaborations generally enhanced only explicit recall. The superior recall of children In the E‐M and S‐M conditions was Interpreted as supporting the proposition that dynamic visual and motor elaborations of prose Induce Interactive Imagery In children as young as 3 1/2 to 5 1/2 years of age, and thereby enhance both their rote memory and constructive Inferential processing of information.     

Maltreated Children's Memory of Stressful Removals from Their Biological Parents

The effects of stress on memory were examined through a study of 33 3 to 12‐year‐old maltreated children removed from their biological parents by the Child Protective Services because of an emergency (acute) or normal (planned) care order. Children's stress levels were rated by a researcher present during the removal and children's memory of the removal investigated at a later time. The type of removal significantly predicted children's level of stress. ‘Acute removal’ children remembered more from high‐stress phases of the removal than the ‘planned removal’ children. All children had more accurate memories of the low‐stress phases. Details remembered were rated as central or peripheral; more central information was recalled than peripheral information. The ‘acute removal’ children recalled more peripheral information from the high‐stress phases of the removal than the low‐stress phases, a difference, which was not present for the ‘planned removal’ children. Copyright © 2011 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

The Effect of a Nonverbal Aid on Preschoolers' Recall for Color

The purpose of the present study was to investigate whether the provision of a nonverbal memory aid would improve preschoolers' recall of color. Forty 4-year-old children carried out 2 tasks with the same set of colored objects. Colors were not referred to, nor were children told that their recall would later be tested. One day later, the children were split into 2 groups. One group was given a chart containing both the colors of the objects and distractor colors. The other group was not given a chart. Recall for object color was tested. There was an effect of chart provision; children who used the chart recalled more colors correctly than did those who did not use a chart. This result indicates (a) that even very young children can make use of props to facilitate their recall and (b) that such memory aids need not be exact copies of previously seen objects. Implications of these findings for eyewitness recall are discussed.     

The effect of culture on a visual-spatial memory task.

The visual-spatial memory ability of 25 Zairian elementary school children was compared with that of 23 Scottish children, using a variation of Kearins's (1976) object placement task. The Scottish children demonstrated significantly better visual-spatial memory than the Zairian children when the easiest (small household objects) of three arrays was presented. The Scottish and Zairian children demonstrated a similar level of visual-spatial ability when the other two arrays (geometric shapes and a variety of natural pieces of wood) were presented, and there were no significant gender differences. Although the Australian Aboriginal children's performance on the visual-spatial task in Drinkwater's (1976) study was superior to the White children's performance (Kearins, 1976, 1981), the Zairian children's performance in this study was not. Perhaps the Aboriginal groups, over countless generations navigating the trackless desert of western Australia, were forced by their environment to develop an aptitude for direction finding that Zairians (whose ecological situation more closely resembles that of Europeans) have not.