An evolutionary analysis of psychological pain following human (Homo sapiens) rape: IV. The effect of the nature of the sexual assault

Mental pain is hypothesized to manifest an adaptation for analyzing and coping with social problems that would have reduced inclusive fitness in human (Homo sapiens) evolutionary history. We examined this hypothesis in the psychological pain of 790 rape victims. Reproductive-aged and postreproductive-aged victims were more likely than prereproductive-aged victims to have experienced vaginal intercourse and to have had sperm present in the reproductive tract. As predicted, vaginal intercourse constituted the most psychologically devastating form of sexual assault for reproductive-aged women. Nonreproductive-aged victims were not more traumatized by vaginal rapes. When rapes included ejaculation in the victim's reproductive tract, reproductive-aged victims may have been more traumatized. These results suggest that the psychology that regulates mental pain processes information about the nature of the sexual act in the event of a woman's rape.     

STRANGER AND ACQUAINTANCE RAPE

Most published research on the victim–offender relationship has been based on small samples that consisted mainly of women who were raped by nonintimate and nonromantic acquaintances, who viewed their experience as rape, and/or who were seeking treatment. In the present study, 489 rape victims were located among a national sample of 3,187 female college students by a self-report survey that avoided reliance on help-seekers. Two sets of comparisons were performed. First, the experiences reported by victims of stranger rape ( n = 52) were compared with those of victims of acquaintance rape ( n = 416). Then, the experiences of women assaulted by different types of acquaintances were compared including nonromantic acquaintances ( n = 122), casual dates ( n = 103), steady dates ( n = 147), and spouses or other family members ( n = 44). Rapes by acquaintances, compared with strangers, were more likely to involve a single offender and multiple episodes, were less likely to be seen as rape or to be revealed to anyone, and were similar in terms of the victim's resistance. In general, acquaintance rapes were rated as less violent than stranger rapes. The exception was rapes by husbands or other family members which were rated equally violent to stranger rapes but were much less likely to occur in a context of drinking or other drug use. In spite of these different crime characteristics, virtually no differences were found among any of the groups in their levels of psychological symptoms. A significant feature of these data is that they have tapped the experiences of unreported and unacknowledged rape victims, a group that is potentially much larger than the group of identified victims.     

Victim Blaming in Rape: Effects of Victim and Perpetrator Race, Type of Rape, and Participant Racism

Stereotypes about Black sexuality fostered hypotheses that racial factors and racism influence rape victim blaming. Predominantly White and Asian college students (170 men, 162 women) completed the Modern Racism Scale and evaluated a rape vignette varying victim race, perpetrator race, and rape type. As predicted, racial factors determined victim blaming. Compared to intraracial rapes, interracial rapes were less uniformly judged as "definitely rape" and were judged as having more culpable and less credible victims, and less culpable perpetrators. For men, racism scores positively predicted victim blaming in all rapes. For women, racism scores moderated victim blaming in interracial acquaintance rapes. In our conclusions, we emphasize the durability of racial stereotypes about rape and their influence on discriminatory adjudication outcomes.     

The Impact of Contemplated Exposure to a Survivor of Rape on Attitudes toward Rape1

Male and female college students were asked to rate the truth of myths about rape either before or after contemplating how they would react if a close friend or relative told them she had been raped. It was expected that such contemplation would decrease endorsement of rape myths, by increasing sympathy for victims and reducing the tendency to blame victims for sexual assault. Typically, studies have found that women are less accepting of rape myths and more sympathetic to rape victims than men. A reason for this may be that women have thought about rape more and are more likely to have experienced sexual assault or to be acquainted with a survivor. Based on the above findings, it was hypothesized that contemplating exposure to a rape survivor would be particularly beneficial to men's attitudes. Results contradicted the hypothesis and showed that contemplating exposure increased rejection of rape myths for women but slightly increased men's endorsements. In contrast, men and women who were actually acquainted with a rape survivor rejected rape myths more strongly than those who did not claim acquaintance.     

THE HIDDEN RAPE VICTIM: PERSONALITY, ATTITUDINAL, AND SITUATIONAL CHARACTERISTICS

A hidden rape victim is one who has never reported her experience to a rape crisis center or to police. It has been estimated that only 10–50% of the rapes that actually occur are ever reported to authorities. Since most previous rape studies have selected samples from official sources, hidden victims have been overlooked. The goals of the present study were to describe the victimization experienced by hidden victims and to determine whether any psychological variables were related to victimization status. The psychological variables examined included personality, attitudinal, and situational characteristics relevant to the three major models of rape victimization: social control, victim precipitation, and situational blame. Subjects were 82 not sexually victimized, 37 low sexually victimized, 50 moderately victimized, and 62 highly sexually victimized women. Subjects completed questionnaires and participated in a one-to-one standardized interview. Data were analyzed via multivariate analysis of variance. Personality variables and attitudes did not differentiate the groups of women, while numerous situational variables did. The theoretical implications of these findings are discussed.     

Predicting rape events: The influence of intimate partner violence history,condom use resistance,and heavy drinking

Sexual aggression perpetration is a public health epidemic, and burgeoning research aims to delineate risk factors for individuals who perpetrate completed rape. The current study investigated physical and psychological intimate partner violence (IPV) history, coercive condom use resistance (CUR), and heavy episodic drinking (HED) as prospective risk factors for rape perpetration. Young adult men (N = 430) ages 21–30 completed background measures as well as follow‐up assessments regarding rape events perpetrated over the course of 3 months. Negative binomial regression with log link function was utilized to examine whether these risk factors interacted to prospectively predict completed rape. There was a significant interaction between physical IPV and HED predicting completed rape; men with high HED and greater physical IPV histories perpetrated more completed rapes during follow‐up than men with low HED at the same level of physical IPV. Moreover, psychological IPV and coercive CUR interacted to predict completed rape such that men with high coercive CUR and greater psychological IPV histories perpetrated more completed rapes throughout the follow‐up period than men with low coercive CUR at the same level of psychological IPV. Findings suggest targets for intervention efforts and highlight the need to understand the topography of different forms of aggression perpetration.     

Homicide by juvenile girls

We investigated offense characteristics for a national sample of 38,749 homicide arrestees identified in the FBI Supplemental Homicide Reports for 1984 and 1993. Analyses indicated little change from 1984 to 1993 in the circumstances of homicides committed by adolescent girls; however, there were consistent offense differences between girls and boys, and between girls and women. Homicides by adolescent girls were more likely than those committed by boys to involve interpersonal conflict rather than a criminal motive such as robbery. Girls were more likely than boys to use a knife rather than a firearm and their victims were more likely to be under the age of 13 years. Compared to women (18 years or older), girls were more likely to act with an accomplice and their victims were more likely to be female and between 13 and 20 years of age. Results were inconsistent with a stereotypic masculinization theory of the increase in female violence, but provide indirect support for the importance of domestic stress and relational conflict experienced by adolescent girls. Overall, this study supports the need for differentiated study of violence by juvenile girls, and for preventive interventions which target domestic and interpersonal stress.     

Psychopathological profile of battered women according to age

In this paper, differential psychopathological consequences in battered women according to age were analysed in a sample of 148 victims seeking psychological treatment in a Family Violence Centre. The younger victims exposed to intimate partner violence suffered more often from physical violence and were at higher risk for their lives than the older ones. The prevalence rate of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) was higher (42%) in the younger victims than in the older ones (27%). Likewise, younger victims were affected by more depressive symptoms and lower self-esteem than the older ones. The severity of PTSD in the younger victims was related to the presence of forced sexual relationship but in the older ones, it was related to the perceived threat to their lives. Implications of this study for clinical practice and future research in this field are commented upon.     

Emotional Reactions of Rape Victim Advocates: A Multiple Case Study of Anger and Fear

This research explores the emotional reactions of a rarely studied group of women who work closely with survivors of sexual violence: rape victim advocates. Women who assist rape victims in obtaining medical, criminal justice, and mental health services were interviewed about their experiences, and qualitative analysis was used to delineate the situational context of the advocates' emotional reactions. Results indicate that respondents experienced anger and fear in response to both individual (e.g., a perpetrator's menacing glare) and environmental (e.g., community denial of a problem) cues. Additionally, some experienced rape victim advocates perceived their emotional reactions to be an important part of their work with rape victims. These findings suggest that intense emotional reactions, previously conceptualized within a vicarious trauma framework, may at times serve as resources for women working with rape survivors.     

Schema‐driven information processing in judgements about rape

Two studies addressed the impact of rape schemata on judgements about rape cases. In Study 1, 286 undergraduate students rated perpetrator and victim blame for five rape scenarios and completed the Perceived Causes of Rape Scale. Most blame was assigned to victims of an ex‐partner rape, followed by acquaintance and stranger rape. Least blame was assigned to perpetrators of ex‐partner rapes, followed by acquaintance and stranger rapes. Female precipitation beliefs increased victim blame and reduced perpetrator blame. In Study 2, 158 students rated rape scenarios that varied in victim perpetrator relationship and coercive strategy and completed a measure of Female Precipitation Beliefs. Half expected to be held accountable for their judgements. The perpetrator was held less liable and the victim blamed more when the perpetrator exploited the victim's incapacitated state versus using physical force. Accountability instruction reduced the impact of female precipitation beliefs on perceived perpetrator liability and victim blame. Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Rape: Sex crime,act of violence,or naturalistic adaptation?

Rape distorts one of the most intimate forms of human interaction. Those who rape do so for a number of reasons, but they basically involve the motives of anger, power, eroticized cruelty, and opportunistic mating. No single set of cognitive, psychodynamic, psychopathological, or neuropsychological factors has been identified in those who commit sexual assault, probably due to the heterogeneity of this offender group. It is thus important to understand the diversity of this crime category in order to devise more effective means of adjudicating, treating, and deterring it. As a reproductive strategy, rape has certain risks as well as benefits, which accounts for it persistence in human populations as a minority mating tactic. Although most women fear rape by strangers, they are far more likely to be sexually assaulted by someone they know, especially their own mate. Alcohol and substance use plays a large role in many rapes. Rape can take both a physical and psychological toll on its victims, and clinicians must continue to explore more effective ways to treat rape survivors and to develop proactive strategies to help women prevent initial victimization and revictimization.     

A review of marital rape

The current paper represents a comprehensive review of marital rape, including its legal history and numerous aspects of its perpetration and victimization. Specifically, this review focuses on theories and forms of marital rape, the scope of the problem, risk factors, resistance strategies, and marital rape's psychological and physical effects, and help-seeking behaviors and interventions for victims. Historically, marital rape has not been recognized as a criminal act; only recently has marital rape become illegal in all 50 states. Marital rape is a serious societal issue that is experienced by 10% to 14% of all married women and 40% to 50% of battered women. Marriages in which marital rape occurs have significantly higher rates of non-sexual violence and marital dissatisfaction, as well as lower ratings of marital quality. Victims who resist marital rape often employ verbal means of resistance. However, most of marital rape victims are either unable or afraid to resist sexual aggression by their husbands. Victims of marital rape experience significant levels of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), depression, gynecological problems, and negative physical health symptoms. Victims of marital rape seek help from a variety of different resources. Seeking help from social service agencies and the law appears to be the most effective behaviors for ending marital rape. Stress inoculation therapy and cognitive processing therapy are promising treatments for victims of marital rape. The literature on marital rape is characterized by considerable methodological problems, and further research is needed to gain a better understanding of this problem.     

Factor Analysis of Physique-Stereotyped Traits

Abstract

The prevalence of rape myths contributes to victims' reluctance to report rapes. Black (n = 30) and White (n = 96) U.S. college students responded to the Rape Myth Scale (Burt, 1980) and read a scenario of an acquaintance rape; the race of the perpetrator and victim (Black or White) were varied. The respondents assessed the victim's and perpetrator's responsibility and evaluated the incident. As hypothesized, the respondents with strong beliefs in rape myths were more tolerant of the rapist and less tolerant of the victim than were those with weaker beliefs. There was limited support for the myth of the Black rapist and White victim; however, the myth of the Black rapist appeared particularly strong among the Black respondents. The women responded more negatively to the rapist and more positively to the victim than the men did. Such biases in attitudes toward rape could keep women from reporting rapes and accused rapists from receiving fair trials.     

Attribution of blame in rape cases: A review of the impact of rape myth acceptance,gender role conformity and substance use on victim blaming

This article reviews research literature examining the effects of key factors that influence individual's attitudes towards victims of rape. The impact of rape myths, gender roles and substance use on attributions of blame in cases of rape are discussed. The phenomenon of victim-blaming within such cases is explored with reference to the attribution theory to help explain why rape victims are sometimes seen as deserving of their misfortune. Findings indicate that men demonstrate higher rape myth acceptance than women and attribute higher levels of blame to victims than women; women who violate traditional gender roles are attributed more blame than those women who do not; and women who consume alcohol prior to their attack are attributed higher levels of blame than those who are not intoxicated. The findings are discussed with reference to the implications for the Criminal Justice System and future interventions for both victims and perpetrators of rape.     

The Effect of Victims' Social Support on Attributions of Blame in Female and Male Rape

The effects of perceived social support of the victim, victim gender, and participant gender on attributions of blame in rape were examined. The impact of attitudes toward gender roles was also investigated for their mediational role between participant gender and blame. Participants ( N= 121) read a report of an incident of rape and evaluated the victim and the perpetrator. Two ANOVAs showed that social support and participant gender influenced blame attributed to the victim, while victim gender influenced blame attributed to the perpetrator. Socially supported victims were blamed less than were unsupported victims. Men were more blaming of rape victims than were women, but further analyses showed this was mediated by attitudes toward gender roles. Men held significantly more traditional attitudes toward gender roles than did women, and this accounted for the effect of participant gender on victim perceptions. The perpetrator of male rape was blamed less than the perpetrator of female rape. Findings are discussed in terms of the differential attributional mechanisms that may underpin men's and women's reasoning about different types of rape.     

Correlates of Readiness to Change in Victims of Intimate Partner Violence

Intimate partner violence (IPV) is a social problem associated with significant morbidity; however, victims do not always utilize treatment and resources. One's readiness to change might be one variable impacting his or her pursuit of treatment and other resources. This study investigated correlates of readiness to change, and readiness to change's impact on treatment utilization. Data were collected from 223 women residing in battered women's shelters. Correlational analyses find that generally victims with more psychopathology and distress, as well as more social support, were more ready to change. Posttraumatic stress disorder symptoms, overall distress, and social support were the strongest predictors of readiness to change. Finally, victims higher in readiness to change were more likely to seek mental health treatment and other IPV-related services.     

Differentiating sex offences: a behaviorally based thematic classification of stranger rapes

It is hypothesized that stranger rape victim statements will reveal a scale of violation experienced by the victim, ranging from personal violation, through to physical violation, and finally, at the most extreme level, sexual violation. It is also hypothesized that offences can be differentiated in terms of one of four themes: hostile, controlling, stealing, or involving. To test these hypotheses, crime scene data from 112 rapes were analyzed by the multi-dimensional scaling procedure Smallest Space Analysis. The results provide empirical support for a composite model of rape consisting of four behavioral themes as different expressions of various intensities of violation. The results also suggest that stranger rapes may be less about power and control than about hostility and pseudo-intimacy. The proposed model has implications for the classification of rape, the investigation of sexual crimes, and the treatment of victims.     

Identifying violence among women patients attending family practices: the role of research in community change

Violence against women has serious consequences. Although victims use health facilities more frequently than others, violence is still not recognized in most services and in the larger community. This study had three aims: (1) to estimate the prevalence of violence among women patients in primary care, (2) to evaluate the feasibility of asking all women about violence, and (3) to make violence visible, and thereby initiate a process of professional and community change on the issue of violence against women. The study was carried out in a small Italian town, at the initiative of a local family doctor. We conducted a cross‐sectional survey among patients of six family practices and 444 women responded to a self‐administrated questionnaire. Five per cent of respondents experienced physical or sexual violence in the last year, and 25% had experienced it in the past. Nineteen per cent had experienced psychological violence in the last 12 months. Risk factors for current violence were: younger age, being pregnant or with young children, being separated or divorced, or lack of stable employment. Most women were in favour of being asked about violence by their doctor. The study's results were disseminated in public meetings, with good press coverage. This resulted in a dramatic increase in the visibility of victims of violence, the development of a training course for health professionals, and the creation of the first women's group in the town. Along with advocacy work, the group has prepared a booklet on violence addressing women, and is now raising funds to start an ‘anti‐violence’ telephone line. Overall, the study has become a tool for change within the health services and the community. Copyright © 2004 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.