Hierarchy and scope of planning in subject–verb agreement production

Two subject–verb agreement error elicitation studies tested the hierarchical feature-passing account of agreement computation in production and three timing-based alternatives: linear distance to the head noun, semantic integration, and a combined effect of both (a scope of planning account). In Experiment 1, participants completed subject noun phrase (NP) stimuli consisting of a head NP followed by two prepositional phrase (PP) modifiers, where the first PP modified the first NP, and the second PP modified one of the two preceding NPs. Semantic integration between the head noun and the local noun within each PP was held constant across structures. The mismatch error pattern showed an effect of linear distance to the head noun and no influence of hierarchical distance. In Experiment 2, participants completed NP PP PP stimuli in which both PPs modified the head noun, and both the order of the two PPs and the local nouns’ degree of semantic integration with the head noun were varied. The pattern of mismatch errors reflected a combination of semantic integration and linear distance to the head noun. These studies indicate that agreement processes are strongly constrained by grammatical-level scope of planning, with local nouns planned closer to the head having a greater chance of interfering with agreement computation.     

Principles of feature integration in visual perception

Several recent theories of visual information processing have postulated that errors in recognition may result not only from a failure in feature extraction, but also from a failure to correctly join features after they have been correctly extracted. Errors that result from incorrectly integrating features are called conjunction errors. The present study uses conjunction errors to investigate the principles used by the visual system to integrate features. The research tests whether the visual system is more likely to integrate features located close together in visual space (the location principle) or whether the visual system is more likely to integrate features from stimulus items that come from the same perceptual group or object (the perceptual group principle). In four target-detection experiments, stimuli were created so that feature integration by the location principle and feature integration by the perceptual group principle made different predictions for performance. In all of the experiments, the perceptual group principle predicted feature integration even though the distance between stimulus items and retinal eccentricity were strictly controlled.     

On the temporal course of gap-filling during comprehension of verbal passives

The work presented in this paper examines the time course of antecedent reactivation following movement gaps found in passive sentences. Using a cross-modal lexical priming technique, (re) activation of the subject noun phrase (NP) was examined at various critical points following the verb (near the posited gap) for verbal passive sentences and for active (control) sentences. Subjects made lexical decisions to visual targets that were presented at three locations during auditory sentence comprehension: immediately after the matrix verb, 500 msec after the verb, or 1000 msec after the verb. Responses to targets related to the subject NP were faster than those to controls during passive sentences (gap sentences), but not during active sentences (no-gap sentences), thus indicating that reactivation of the matrix subject did occur in the passive cases. Furthermore, the magnitude of the priming increased with distance and time from the verb, going from a nonsignificant trend at the verb to a highly significant effect at 1000 msec following the verb. These results are discussed in terms of both formal and processing models of language.The authors wish to thank Janet Nicol for her contributions to the materials and design of this experiment. This work was supported in part by NIDCD Grant DC01947 and by a University of Washington grant to the first author and an AFOSR grant (AFOSR 91-0225) to the second author.     

Subject-Verb Agreement in Children and Adults: Serial or Hierarchical Processing?

Two processes, serial and hierarchical, are generally opposed to account for grammatical encoding in language production. In a developmental perspective, the question addressed here is whether the subject-verb agreement during writing is computed serially, once the words are linearly ordered in the sentence, or hierarchically, as soon as the number features are determined in a hierarchical frame. Adults and children from 3rd to 5th grades were requested to listen to sentences with built-in prepositional phrases or relative clauses and to transcribe them as quickly as possible. A serial hypothesis assumes that subject-verb agreement errors should be equally frequent with both preambles because each has the same length separating the subject head noun and the main verb. Conversely, according to a hierarchical view, errors should be more frequent with a prepositional phrase because the syntactic distance between the subject and the verb is greater than with a relative clause. The results revealed a main effect of the preamble manipulated in 5th graders and adults, but not in 3rd graders. These data were in favor of a hierarchical processing in older writers and a serial one in younger children. However, in 3rd grade, we assumed that the potential serial account was a result of the resource constraint on writing more than of a real serial processing of the agreement.     

Pictorial perspective: perception of size, linear, and texture perspective in children and adults

Perception of size, linear, and texture perspective was investigated in third-grade and sixth-grade children and in college adults in three separate studies. A matching task required the observer to choose from a set of four alternative real scenes the correct match for the test stimulus, which was either a picture or a real scene. Correct performance required that the subject utilize perspective information for both size and distance distance relations. Erroneous choices available to the subject indicated errors in size judgement, in distance judgment, or in both simultaneously. View was either restricted at the correct station point or was free, with head motion. There were no significant effects of grade level. For all three groups, mean percent correct was nearly 100% with the real-scene test stimuli, and significantly below the chance level with the picture test stimuli. Errors in size judgment occurred most frequently, indicating that the geometrically correct rate of perspective convergence was too rapid to be seen by the subjects as perceptually acceptable. With size-perspective information alone, the number of size plus distance errors also increased significantly. There was no significant effect of viewing condition.     

Oral cues improve subject‐verb agreement in written French

The aim of this study was to test the impact of an audible marker on the production of subject‐verb agreements. Earlier studies have shown that educated French‐speaking adults make subject‐verb agreement errors when writing as soon as a secondary task demands their attention. One hypothesis is that these errors occur primarily because in French many of the written inflections of the verbal plural are silent. However, errors of the same type have been reported in spoken English: in configurations such as “the dog of the neighbours arrive(s)”, arrive agrees with the noun closest to the verb rather than with the subject. The current experiment compares the production of subject‐verb agreements in written French depending on whether the singular/plural opposition is audible (finit/finissent) or not (chante/chantent). After having changed the tense of the verb, adult subjects had to recall, in writing, sentences which had been read aloud to them and which shared the same start (La flamme de la bougie = the flame of the candle) but contained different verbs matched for semantic plausibility and frequency, and either possessing (éblouir = to blind) or not possessing (éclairer = to illuminate) an audible singular/plural opposition. The results show that the presence of an audible marker reduces the error frequency and makes the agreement easier to manage. A chronometric study suggests that it is the competition between concurrent markers (e.g., ‐e, ‐s, ‐ent) that causes difficulties with regular verbs and that this competition is resolved at the very last moment, at the point when the marker is transcribed.     

Native language influence on the distributive effect in producing second language subject–verb agreement

Three experiments were conducted to investigate the distributive effect when producing subject–verb agreement in English as a second language (L2) when the participant's first language either does or does not require subject–verb agreement. Both Chinese–English and Uygur–English bilinguals were included in Experiment 1. Chinese has no required subject–verb agreement, whereas Uygur does. Results showed that the distributive effect was observed in Uygur–English bilinguals but not in Chinese–English bilinguals, indicating that this particular first language (L1) syntactic feature is one significant factor affecting the distributive effect in the production of subject–verb agreement in L2. Experiment 2 further investigated the matter by choosing Chinese–English participants with higher L2 proficiency. Still, no distributive effect was observed, suggesting that the absence of distributive effect in Chinese–English bilinguals in Experiment 1 was not due to low proficiency in the target language. Experiment 3 changed the way the stimuli were presented, highlighting the singular or distributive nature of the subject noun phrases, and the distributive effect was observed in Chinese–English bilinguals. Altogether, the results show that the L1 syntactic feature of subject–verb agreement is one significant factor affecting the distributive effect in the production of subject–verb agreement in L2. More specifically, distributive effects rarely occur in L2 when L1 has no requirement on subject–verb agreement, whereas distributive effects are more likely to occur in L2 when the L1 also has required subject–verb agreement.     

Congruency sequence effects and cognitive control

Congruency effects in selective attention tasks are subject to sequential modulation: They are smaller following an incongruent stimulus than following a congruent one. This congruency sequence effect has been interpreted as reflecting conflict-driven adjustments in cognitive control (conflict adaptation) or, alternatively, episodic memory effects of stimulus—response association (feature integration). The present article critically reviews support for these rival accounts in the experimental literature and discusses the implications thereof for assessing behavioral and neural signatures of cognitive control processes. It is argued that both conflict adaptation and feature integration contribute to the congruency sequence effect but that their respective contributions can be isolated experimentally. Studies that have pursued this isolation strategy have gained important insights into cognitive control processes. Finally, other factors, such as expectancies, may also contribute to the congruency sequence effect, and thus their potential role needs to be carefully examined and, if found significant, integrated into current models of cognitive control.     

A technique for measuring processing load during speech production

A technique is presented for the measurement of fluctuations in processing demands during spontaneous speech. The technique consists of the analysis of errors on a secondary tracking task. Data are presented from illustrative samples of spontaneous speech; thus, evidence was found to suggest that one level of planning in speech is clauses that contain a single main verb. Evidence was also obtained that there is an increase in processing demands at the gap in subject relative and object relative clauses. It is concluded that the secondary tracking task is a useful technique that could be extended to studies of reading and speech comprehension.     

A probabilistic model of semantic plausibility in sentence processing

Experimental research shows that human sentence processing uses information from different levels of linguistic analysis, for example, lexical and syntactic preferences as well as semantic plausibility. Existing computational models of human sentence processing, however, have focused primarily on lexico-syntactic factors. Those models that do account for semantic plausibility effects lack a general model of human plausibility intuitions at the sentence level. Within a probabilistic framework, we propose a wide-coverage model that both assigns thematic roles to verb–argument pairs and determines a preferred interpretation by evaluating the plausibility of the resulting ( verb , role , argument ) triples. The model is trained on a corpus of role-annotated language data. We also present a transparent integration of the semantic model with an incremental probabilistic parser. We demonstrate that both the semantic plausibility model and the combined syntax/semantics model predict judgment and reading time data from the experimental literature.     

Canonical word order and interference-based integration costs during sentence comprehension: The case of Spanish subject- and object-relative clauses

Object-relative clauses are generally harder to process than subject-relative clauses. Increased processing costs for object-relatives have been attributed either to working memory demands for the establishment of long-distance dependencies or to difficulties processing unexpected, noncanonical structures. The current study uses self-paced reading to contrast the impact of both kinds of factors in Spanish object-relative clauses, manipulating the interposition of the subject of the relative clause between object and verb. In addition, object-relatives were unambiguously marked at their onset with the Spanish preposition “a”. Reading times increased at the onset and final regions of object-relative clauses, regardless of interference-based working memory costs, although interference costs may affect the processing of post-relative-clause regions. These results suggest that, beyond interference-related working memory costs, end-of-clause integration processes may be affected by a preference for canonical structures, thus increasing processing difficulties when confronted with a noncanonical form.     

Effects of Case and Transitivity on Processing Dependencies: Evidence From Niuean

We investigate the processing of wh questions in Niuean, a VSO ergative–absolutive Polynesian language. We use visual‐world eye tracking to examine how preference for subject or object dependencies is affected (a) by case marking of the subject (ergative vs. absolutive) and object (absolutive vs. oblique), and (b) by the transitivity of the verb (whether the object is obligatory). We find that Niuean exhibits (a) an effect of case, whereby dependencies of arguments with absolutive case (whether subjects or objects) are preferred over dependencies of arguments with ergative or oblique case, and (b) an effect of transitivity, whereby dependencies of obligatory objects (i.e., of transitive verbs) are preferred over dependencies of optional objects (i.e., of intransitive verbs). These results constitute evidence against theories that appeal to a universal subject advantage, or to the linear distance between filler and gap. Instead, the effect of case is consistent with a frequency‐based account: Because absolutive case has a wider syntactic distribution than ergative or oblique, absolutive dependencies are easier to process. The effect of transitivity reflects sensitivity of the parser to whether or not an argument is obligatory. We propose that these two strategies could be unified if the parser prefers dependencies with arguments that are more likely to materialize.     

Cognitive and linguistic factors affect visual feature integration

Five experiments investigated the influence of cognitive and linguistic factors on the integration of color and letter-shape information. Subjects were briefly presented strings of colored letters that varied in pronounceability and familiarity. Detection and search tasks required subjects to identify the color of predesignated target letters. It was proposed that errors in integrating color and shape would be less likely with items from different perceptual units than from items within the same perceptual unit. If words, at some level of perceptual analysis, are processed as units whereas nonwords are processed by individual letters, then there should be more letter-shape and color feature integration errors with words than with nonwords. The first two experiments tested this prediction by comparing feature integration errors with words and nonwords. The remaining experiments manipulated letter-string pronounceability, familiarity, and the presence of vowels to isolate the factors that may influence feature integration. The results demonstrate that cognitive and linguistic factors, such as familiarity and pronounceability, can influence the combination of colors and shapes in perception.     

Parallel processing of stimulus features during RSVP: evidence from the second response

When observers are asked to report a feature of a single target displayed in rapid serial visual presentation, they frequently make errors. Most frequently, a feature from the to-be-reported dimension pertaining to a stimulus presented near the target is reported. These migrations are so-called illusory conjunctions in the time domain. From parallel models, it is proposed that during the presentation of the series, the response features of the stimuli are extracted. If a high rate of presentation does not enable proper binding processes, the system could base its response on sophisticated guessing on the basis of the relative levels of activation of the available response features. However, the multiple extractions assumption has not received direct empirical support. We report two experiments in which the observers had to report their first and second response candidates. This double response paradigm makes it possible to test the assumption that more than one response feature is available for making a response. Furthermore, the application of the constant ratio rule (following Botella, Barriopedro, & Suero's, 2001, model) to the first responses allows predictions for the ratios between choices of the items for the second responses. The correlations between the observed and the predicted response proportions were .887 and .956 in the two experiments. This high predictive capacity indicates, first, that the observers have more than one response available, among which to choose, and second, that the choice among responses is determined largely in the same way for both, first and second responses. Nevertheless, the small errors in prediction are further reduced if a proportion of pure guesses is assumed in the second responses. These are probably due to memory losses, misidentifications of the features, and other factors impairing performance in second responses in comparison with first responses.     

Verb deficits in Alzheimer's disease and agrammatism: implications for lexical organization

This study examined the nature of verb deficits in 14 individuals with probable Alzheimer's Disease (PrAD) and nine with agrammatic aphasia. Production was tested, controlling both semantic and syntactic features of verbs, using noun and verb naming, sentence completion, and narrative tasks. Noun and verb comprehension and a grammaticality judgment task also were administered. Results showed that while both PrAD and agrammatic subjects showed impaired verb naming, the syntactic features of verbs (i.e., argument structure) influenced agrammatic, but not Alzheimer's disease patients' verb production ability. That is, agrammatic patients showed progressively greater difficulty with verbs associated with more arguments, as has been shown in previous studies (e.g., Kim & Thompson, 2000; Thompson, 2003; Thompson, Lange, Schneider, & Shapiro, 1997), and suggest a syntactic basis for verb production deficits in agrammatism. Conversely, the semantic complexity of verbs affected PrAD, but not agrammatic, patients' performance, suggesting "bottom-up" breakdown in their verb lexicon, paralleling that of nouns, resulting from the degradation or loss of semantic features of verbs.     

Information Integration in an Area Judgment Task: Effect of Aids on Children's Perceptual Judgments

This study was designed to examine the cognitive processes involved in perceptual judgments of area with the methodology and concepts of Anderson's (1981) information integration theory. The Area = Height + Width rule, which Anderson and Cuneo (1978) showed to be operant in children's judgments, can in fact cover two different processes. Children may make a height judgment and then a length judgment and apply an additive integration operation to both. Alternatively, children may base themselves on the figure outline and estimate total length directly as a function of the distance scanned. Similarly, the multiplicatory integration pattern can result either from applying a multiplicatory operation to separate estimates or from visual exploration of the area bounded by the figure. In the present experiment, the characteristics of the areas of the test figures were modified (perimeter marking, rows of Xs covering the area, etc.) to elicit additive or multiplicatory integration patterns as a function of condition. The findings demonstrate that the second interpretation of both rules is more likely.     

Individual and group modelling of aesthetic judgment strategies

Individual differences in aesthetic judgments were investigated by comparing quantitative group and individual performance models of the judgment processes. Aesthetic judgments of beauty over novel, formal, graphic patterns were collected from 34 non‐artist college students using a two‐step ranking‐rating procedure. Their judgment processes were individually modelled using Judgment Analysis. The participants showed noted individual differences. Certain features of the stimulus material, which were considered to contribute to the picture's beauty by one participant, were used in an opposing fashion by another. A group model was derived based on the average ratings of the patterns' beauty. It was concluded that the group model was not an adequate representation of the present data, whereas the data revealed systematic judgment processes at the individual subject level.     

Ambiguity in perception and experimentation

Bruno and Cutting (1988) varied four monocular cues to perceived depth in a factorial design. Subjects judged the distance between test objects. Given main effects in the analysis of variance, the authors concluded that the perceivers integrated the four different sources of information, as opposed to simply selecting a single source. Given no interactions in the analysis of variance, the authors concluded that the integration process was additive rather than multiplicative. The ambiguity inherent in Bruno and Cutting's experiments and analyses is discussed. As presented, their results did not provide evidence for integration of depth cues or evidence for additivity, independence, and parallel processing of the cues. An additional analysis of the distribution of the rating judgments given by their subjects, however, provides some evidence for integration of the cues. The fuzzy logical model of perception (FLMP) is extended to describe perceptual recognition of depth. The model assumes independence of the cues during feature evaluation and a nonadditive integration process in which the least ambiguous cues have the greatest impact on the judgment. The FLMP is contrasted with a model assuming additivity of the cues. Because both models describe the results equally well, it remains for future researchers to provide definitive tests between the models.     

Why simple verb forms can be so difficult to spell: the influence of homophone frequency and distance in Dutch.

Two experiments are reported in which the determinants of spelling errors on homophonous verb forms in Dutch were studied. Both experiments indicated that errors were determined by the frequency relationship between the two homophonous forms and the distance between the verb and the word determining its spelling. We propose an interference model for spelling in which a phonologically driven retrieval process is the locus of the frequency effect and a morphosyntactically driven computational component can account for the distance effect. Alternative explanations are also explored.     

The role of entrenchment in children’s and adults’ performance on grammaticality judgment tasks

Between the ages of 3 and 7 years, children have been observed to produce verb argument structure overgeneralization errors (e.g., Don’t giggle me; Bowerman, 1982, 1988; Pinker, 1989). A number of recent studies have begun to find evidence that the precise distributional properties of the input may provide an important part of the explanation for why children retreat from overgeneralization errors (Brooks & Tomasello, 1999; Brooks, Tomasello, Dodson, & Lewis, 1999). The current study evaluates the role of entrenchment (Braine & Brooks, 1995) in constraining argument structure overgeneralization errors using a grammaticality judgment task. The 5-year-olds, 8-year-olds, and adults were presented with examples of argument structure errors containing high and low frequency verbs matched for semantic class and asked to indicate whether, or the extent to which they found the sentences to be grammatical. The data show that across all groups, sentences with argument structure errors containing low frequency verbs were judged to be significantly more grammatical than those containing high frequency verbs. These findings provide further support for the entrenchment hypothesis and suggest that verb frequency plays an important and continuing role in determining a speaker’s choice of verb argument structure.