Analogical effects in reading Dutch verb forms

Previous research has shown that the production of morphologically complex words in isolation is affected by the properties of morphologically, phonologically, or semantically similar words stored in the mental lexicon. We report five experiments with Dutch speakers that show that reading an inflectional word form in its linguistic context is also affected by analogical sets of formally similar words. Using the self-paced reading technique, we show in Experiments 1-3 that an incorrectly spelled suffix delays readers less if the incorrect spelling is in line with the spelling of verbal suffixes in other inflectional forms of the same verb. In Experiments 4 and 5, our use of the self-paced reading technique shows that formally similar words with different stems affect the reading of incorrect suffixal allomorphs on a given stem. These intra- and interparadigmatic effects in reading may be due to online processes or to the storage of incorrect forms resulting from analogical effects in production.     

Dissociation of inflectional and derivational morphology

A patient is described who makes morphological errors in spontaneous sentence production and in repetition of single words. The great majority of these errors were substitutions of inflectional affixes. The patient did make some derivational errors in repeating derived words but almost never made such errors for nonderived words. The inflectional errors for adjectives and nouns occurred mostly on the plural forms for nouns and adjectives and on the feminine form for adjectives. For verbs, inflectional errors were produced for all tense, aspect, and mood forms. There were no indications that these latter verb features constrained the form of inflectional errors produced. The results are interpreted as support for the thesis that morphological processes are located in the lexicon but that inflectional and derivational processes constitute autonomous subcomponents of the lexicon.     

Morphological priming: Dissociation of phonological, semantic, and morphological factors

Previous experiments based on a masked-priming paradigm revealed robust morphological priming effects induced by two derivational morphemes in Hebrew: the root and the verbal pattern. However, considering the special characteristics of the masked-priming paradigm, the possible contributions of phonological and/or semantic factors to these morphological effects could not be firmly assessed. In the present study, the role of these factors in morphological priming was examined, using cross-modal presentation. Experiment 1 revealed that priming between morphologically related words in Hebrew is determined by higher level linguistic characteristics and cannot be reduced to phonological overlap. Experiment 2 confirmed that morphological priming occurs in Hebrew even when primes and targets are not semantically related but, nevertheless, increases with semantic similarity. The results support the claim that morphological priming cannot be accounted for by considering semantic and phonological factors alone, and they exemplify the potential of using both masked and cross-modal priming to examine morphological processing.     

Stem Complexity and Inflectional Encoding in Language Production

Three experiments are reported that examined whether stem complexity plays a role in inflecting polymorphemic words in language production. Experiment 1 showed that preparation effects for words with polymorphemic stems are larger when they are produced among words with constant inflectional structures compared to words with variable inflectional structures and simple stems. This replicates earlier findings for words with monomorphemic stems (Janssen et al., 2002). Experiments 2 and 3 showed that when inflectional structure is held constant, the preparation effects are equally large with simple and compound stems, and with compound and complex adjectival stems. These results indicate that inflectional encoding is blind to the complexity of the stem, which suggests that specific inflectional rather than generic morphological frames guide the generation of inflected forms in speaking words.     

词素效应到底是什么？——来自维吾尔语的证据

利用维吾尔语的一些特点,采用视觉－视觉启动、听觉－视觉跨通道启动、和延迟重复启动等三种启动技术,改变目标词和启动词之间在词素、词形以及语义上的多种关系,通过比较启动效应的异同,来考察词素效应是否可以还原为词形启动效应、语义效应,是否可以看成是词形和语义在实时加工中相互作用的后果,从而探讨词汇加工中词素效应的实质。实验一发现,在明确配对的视觉－视觉和跨通道启动中,启动词和目标词之间只有在具有词素加语义关系（＋m＋o＋s / D,＋m＋o＋s / R;其中,m 代表词素,o 代表词形,s 代表语义,D 代表目标词为派生词,R代表目标词为自由词根;＋ 表示启动词和目标词之间在某个维度上相关,－表示启动词和目标词之间在某个维度上无关）时或者仅仅具有语义关系（－m－o＋s / D）时,才有显著的启动效应。如果启动词与目标词之间仅仅具有词素（词形）关系,而没有语义关系（＋m＋o－s / D）,或者仅仅具有词形关系（－m＋o－s / R）,它们之间的启动效应微乎其微。实验二通过使用维吾尔语中的借词和延迟启动技术,比较了词素加语义加词形（＋m＋o＋s / D）的启动和语义加词形启动（－m＋o＋s / D）以及语义启动（－m＋o＋s / D）,发现词素启动效应并没有不同于其他启动条件下的效应。两个实验都表明,语义关系是产生启动效应的关键,没有语义相关,就不可能产生词素启动,词素效应依赖于语义效应。有了语义关系,词素关系和词形关系产生的作用很小。因此,词汇加工的词素效应是词形和语义统计学规律的反应,是词形和语义加工相互作用的后果,心理词典中并不需要明确地表征词汇结构。     

Rule-based versus associative processes in derivational morphology.

The present article examines whether derivational morphology shows evidence of an associative memory structure. A distributional analysis of stems of attested derivational forms revealed evidence of clustering around phonological properties (gangs) for all nonneutral affixes but only a few neutral affixes. Subjects' acceptability ratings for novel complex words revealed sensitivity to the gang structure associated with the relevant derivational affixes. Results suggest that, like inflectional morphology, derivational morphology shows dissociations between rule-based and associative generalization mechanisms.     

Lexical Representation and Processing of Morphologically Complex Words: Evidence from the Reading Performance of an Italian Agrammatic Patient

The study of patients with acquired language disorders has provided crucial evidence for contemporary theories on mental lexical representation. This is particularly true for the representation of morphologically complex words. In this paper we analyzed the performance of a patient (M.B.) affected by agrammatism and dyslexia. M.B. was required to read aloud simple and morphologically complex words. The patient's pattern of errors was interpreted as the result of a predominant use of the lexical routine (phonological dyslexia). Three reading tasks were developed which allowed us to test M.B.'s ability to read morphologically complex words (reading of regular and irregular plurals; reading of high- and low-frequency singular and plural nouns; reading of evaluative suffixes). Errors were determined by frequency effect rather than by type of suffix (i.e., inflectional or derivational). High-frequency morphologically complex items seemed to meet stored representations, thus avoiding the parsing procedures that are required for less frequent items. These results are in keeping with dual route models of lexical representation of morphologically complex words.     

Effects of morphological complexity on phonological output deficits in fluent and nonfluent aphasia

This study examined the effects of morphological complexity on aphasic speakers with lexical-phonological output deficits. Subjects were two fluent and two nonfluent aphasic speakers who repeated morphologically simple words at the same level of accuracy and whose errors were virtually all phonological in nature. They were asked to repeat a variety of morphologically complex (i.e., affixed) words. Results were interpreted within our two-stage model of lexical-phonological production (Kohn & Smith, 1994, 1995), which we expand to include a distinction between derivational and inflectional morphology. When comparing overall performance levels between morphologically simple and complex words, only three subjects exhibited more difficulty repeating the morphologically complex targets. Nevertheless, when comparing repetition accuracy between different types of morphologically complex words (e.g., derived vs. inflected), all four subjects displayed similar patterns. These findings suggested that while morphological complexity has different effects on the two stages within the lexical-phonological output system, the relative effects of different morphological structures are constant. At the level of error analysis, patterns of affix errors distinguished the nonfluent from the fluent subjects in ways that are reminiscent of the affix errors associated with agrammatic and paragrammatic speech. This finding raised questions concerning the relationship between morphosyntactic and morphophonological deficits.     

On the Representation of Inflections and Derivations: Data from Spanish

The four experiments reported in this paper were designed to determine to what extent words are lexically represented in terms of their morphological structure. The experiments are carried out in Spanish, a language with rich morphological resources, using a priming paradigm and a lexical decision task. In particular, they examined the pattern of priming effects in regular inflected words with gender and in derived words, in comparison to those produced by orthographically and semantically related words, by manipulating form similarity and semantic transparency. The results showed, on the one hand, that regular inflected words produced reliable facilitatory effects which are not driven just by form relatedness (Experiments 1 and 2). On the other hand, they showed that both transparent and nontransparent derived forms produced facilitatory effects distinct from purely orthographic and semantic effects (Experiments 3 and 4.). In general, these findings suggest that morphological information is represented in the mental lexicon and may play a central role in the individuation and retrieval of lexical entries.     

Repetition priming is not purely episodic in origin

The sufficiency of similarity among surface attributes of prime-target pairs to account for the pattern of facilitation obtained in the repetition priming paradigm was evaluated. In Experiment 1, morphological primes were singular, inflected case forms of Serbo-Croatian words and visual similarity of prime and target was manipulated by alternating the two alphabets in which the Serbo-Croatian language is written. Results indicated that the magnitude of facilitation in the alphabetically alternating condition was not reduced relative to the nonalternating condition (RUPI-RUPI vs. RUPI-RUPI) which suggested that visual similarity is not a necessary condition for facilitation in the present task. In Experiment 2, related pairs included (a) base forms with diminutives, a class of highly productive and semantically predictable derivations marked in Serbo-Croatian by suffixes and (b) base words with morphologically unrelated monomorphemic words whose orthographic pattern encompassed the target in initial position and a sequence of letters in final position that elsewhere functions as a diminutive suffix. No facilitation of word targets by orthographically similar but morphologically unrelated primes was observed although there was a tendency toward facilitation among structurally similar pseudowords. Collectively, the experiments suggested that structural similarity of prime and target is not a sufficient condition for facilitation in the repetition priming paradigm.     

Additive and interactive effects of word frequency and masked repetition in the lexical decision task

In previous studies, additive effects of masked repetition and word frequency on lexical decision latency have been reported. This additive pattern was replicated in Experiment 1 with the use of lowfrequency words (range, 1–7 per million) selected at random. In contrast, in Experiment 2, in which low-frequency words known to be familiar to the subjects were used, the masked repetition priming effect was greater for low-frequency than for high-frequency words. It is suggested that the absence of an interaction between masked repetition and frequency observed in previous studies and in the present Experiment 1 was due to the fact that very-low-frequency words often have an unstable representation in the subjects’ lexicon and, consequently, sometimes fail to produce repetition priming effects in full.     

Constituent-morpheme priming: Implications from the morphology of two-kanji compound words

Abstract: The diversity in the morphological structure of two‐kanji compound words is a matter of special concern for models of the Japanese mental lexicon. This study discusses two proposals for models of the Japanese mental lexicon – Hirose’s (1992, 1994, 1996 ) hypotheses and a Japanese lemma‐unit version of the multilevel interactive‐activation framework – in terms of their ability to cope with this diversity. As the proposals make different predictions concerning constituent‐morpheme priming, patterns of facilitation were examined in two experiments with five word‐formation principles as experimental conditions. Experiment 1, using the long stimulus onset asynchrony (SOA) of 3000 ms employed by Hirose (1992 ), only found significant differences between the first‐ and second‐element conditions in one of the word‐formation conditions. Experiment 2, using a short SOA of 250 ms, confirmed the pattern of priming obtained in Experiment 1. These results are more consistent with the prediction from the Japanese lemma‐unit model.     

Novel word integration in the mental lexicon: Evidence from unmasked and masked semantic priming

We sought to establish whether novel words can become integrated into existing semantic networks by teaching participants new meaningful words and then using these new words as primes in two semantic priming experiments, in which participants carried out a lexical decision task to familiar words. Importantly, at no point in training did the novel words co-occur with the familiar words that served as targets in the primed lexical decision task, allowing us to evaluate semantic priming in the absence of direct association. We found that familiar words were primed by the newly related novel words, both when the novel word prime was unmasked (Experiment 1) and when it was masked (Experiment 2), suggesting that the new words had been integrated into semantic memory. Furthermore, this integration was strongest after a 1-week delay and was independent of explicit recall of the novel word meanings: Forgetting of meanings did not attenuate priming. We argue that even after brief training, newly learned words become an integrated part of the adult mental lexicon rather than being episodically represented separately from the lexicon.     

Morphological priming in the German mental lexicon.

We present results from cross-modal priming experiments on German participles and noun plurals. The experiments produced parallel results for both inflectional systems. Regular inflection exhibits full priming whereas irregularly inflected word forms show only partial priming: after hearing regularly inflected words (-t participles and -s plurals), lexical decision times on morphologically related word forms (presented visually) were similar to reaction times for a base-line condition in which prime and target were identical, but significantly shorter than in a control condition where prime and target were unrelated. In contrast, prior presentation of irregular words (-n participles and -er plurals) led to significantly longer response times on morphologically related word forms than the prior presentation of the target itself. Hence, there are clear priming differences between regularly and irregularly inflected German words. We compare the findings on German with experimental results on regular and irregular inflection in English and Italian, and discuss theoretical implications for single versus dual-mechanism models of inflection.     

The role of explicit memory processes in cross-modal priming: an investigation of stem completion priming in amnesia

To clarify the role of explicit memory processes in cross-modal priming, two experiments examined the status of cross-modal stem completion priming in amnesia. Experiment 1 used a standard behavioral paradigm in which stems corresponding to studied and unstudied words were intermixed. Amnesic patients showed intact within- and cross-modal priming, but, in contrast to controls, they recognized very few of their completions as having been on the study list. This finding suggests that memorial awareness is not necessary for cross-modal priming to occur. Experiment 2 used a paradigm modeled after functional imaging studies, in which stems corresponding to studied and unstudied words were blocked. Amnesic patients showed intact within-modal priming, but impaired cross-modal priming. This finding is consistent with the notion that a blocked format induces voluntary retrieval strategies in normal participants.     

The contribution of frequency and semantic similarity to morphological processing

This research investigated the role of frequency and semantic factors in the processing of morphologically complex words. Unaffixed targets were immediately preceded by either inflected or derived primes that were either high or low in frequency. In Experiment 1, low-frequency inflections and derivations produced equivalent priming effects, whereas high-frequency inflections produced more priming than derivations. In Experiment 2, both semantic and morphological priming varied as a function of SOA (50, 150, and 250 ms). The difference in priming of inflections and derivations increased as SOA increased. Results suggest that frequency and semantic similarity interactively modulate the magnitude of morphological priming and, by inference, affect the processing of morphologically complex words. Dual-route and connectionist accounts are discussed.     

How are inflectional affixes organized in the mental lexicon?: evidence from the investigation of agreement errors in agrammatic aphasics

Recent psycholinguistic studies have provided evidence that regularly inflected words are decomposed into stems and affixes, both of which have their own representations in the mental lexicon. Specific models of the lexical organization of inflectional affixes have, however, only rarely been investigated in psycho- or neurolinguistic work. We test two recently proposed theoretical models: a representation of affixes (i) in default inheritance trees (Corbett and Fraser, 1993) and (ii) in underspecified paradigms (Wunderlich, 1996). Based on an analysis of agreement errors in elicited speech-production data of German agrammatic aphasics, we argue that affixes are organized with respect to the morphosyntactic features they encode. Specifically, our data indicate that inflectional affixes are best captured within an underspecified paradigm.     

Morphological analysis of disrupted morphemes: Evidence from Hebrew

In concatenative languages such as English, the morphemes of a word are linked linearly so that words formed from the same base morpheme also resemble each other along orthographic dimensions. In Hebrew, by contrast, the morphemes of a word can be but are not generally concatenated. Instead, a pattern of vowels is infixed between the consonants of the root morpheme. Consequently, the shared portion of morphologically-related words in Hebrew is not always an orthographic unit. In a series of three experiments using the repetition priming task with visually presented Hebrew materials, primes that were formed from the same base morpheme and were morphologically-related to a target facilitated target recognition. Moreover, morphologically-related prime and target pairs that contained a disruption to the shared orthographic pattern showed the same pattern of facilitation as did nondisrupted pairs. That is, there was no effect over successive prime and target presentations, of disrupting the sequence of letters that constitutes the base morpheme or root. In addition, facilitation was similar across derivational, inflectional and identical primes. The conclusion of the present study is that morphological effects in word recognition are distinct from the effects of shared structure.     

Priming of emotion recognition

Four experiments investigated priming of emotion recognition using a range of emotional stimuli, including facial expressions, words, pictures, and nonverbal sounds. In each experiment, a prime-target paradigm was used with related, neutral, and unrelated pairs. In Experiment 1, facial expression primes preceded word targets in an emotion classification task. A pattern of priming of emotional word targets by related primes with no inhibition of unrelated primes was found. Experiment 2 reversed these primes and targets and found the same pattern of results, demonstrating bidirectional priming between facial expressions and words. Experiment 2 also found priming of facial expression targets by picture primes. Experiment 3 demonstrated that priming occurs not just between pairs of stimuli that have a high co-occurrence in the environment (for example, nonverbal sounds and facial expressions), but with stimuli that co-occur less frequently and are linked mainly by their emotional category (for example, nonverbal sounds and printed words). This shows the importance of the prime and target sharing a common emotional category, rather than their previous co-occurrence. Experiment 4 extended the findings by showing that there are category-based effects as well as valence effects in emotional priming, supporting a categorical view of emotion recognition.     

In search of meaning: semantic effects on past-tense inflection

Within single-mechanism connectionist models of inflectional morphology, generating the past-tense form of a verb depends upon the interaction of semantic and phonological representations, with semantic information being particularly important for irregular or exception verbs. We assessed this hypothesis in two experiments requiring normal speakers to produce the past tense from a verb stem that takes a regular or exceptional past tense. Experiment 1 revealed significant latency advantages for high- over low-imageability words for both regular verbs (e.g., "lunged" faster than "loved") and exception items (e.g., "drank" faster than "dealt"); but critically, this effect was significantly larger for exceptions than for regulars. Experiment 2 employed a semantic priming paradigm where participants inflected verb stems (e.g., sit) preceded by related (e.g., chair) or unrelated primes (e.g., jug) and revealed a priming effect in accuracy that was confined to the exception items. Our results are consistent with predictions from single-mechanism connectionist models of inflectional morphology and converge with findings from neurological patients and studies of reading aloud.