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What does thinking and acting with desire make possible that might otherwise and all too often be foreclosed? How might desire help orient action toward a horizon of becoming across which collective struggle can effect affective reparation and a more capacious politics? In some ways, desire seems to be taken for as much granted as space – that is, it's everywhere, but often difficult to articulate or analytically pin down. For us, what makes desire distinct, but not discrete, from the vocabulary of affect and emotion is that it operates as both absence and lack, on the one hand, and as a profoundly productive motor and motivating force, on the other. Desire moves in ways that presuppose, exceed, and complement the range of expressions that are taken up by scholarship in this journal. In this special issue, we privilege desire, in both senses, as central among the (dis)organizing, affective forces shaping political life.  相似文献   

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This article focuses on the impact of emotions on the European Union (EU)'s international identity and agency in the context of the memory of trauma. Emotions are understood as performances through which an actor expresses itself to others while constructing its identity, creating its agency, and potentially affecting the social order. It is argued that the memory of trauma is translated into EU foreign policy practice through emotional performances of EU representatives. Empirically, we explore this impact in relation to the EU's engagement in the Israel‐Palestinian prolonged conflict that has many underlying emotions linked with past traumatic experiences. By doing so, we aim to instigate a discussion between the emotions literature in International Relations and the European Union studies literature to nuance understanding of the politics of emotions that increasingly constrain what kind of a global actor the EU actually is or can become.  相似文献   

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采用经典双任务实验范式,探讨前瞻记忆的情绪一致性效应及其理论模型。情绪电影片段诱发被试高兴或悲伤情绪后,观察被试在高兴、悲伤和自然情绪状态下的前瞻记忆任务和当前任务的成绩。结果发现,情绪一致性前瞻记忆出现反转效应,即在高兴背景下前瞻记忆负性词比正性词成绩好,在悲伤背景下前瞻记忆正性词比负性词成绩好。实验结果支持前瞻记忆的注意—搜索模型,不支持自动激活模型。  相似文献   

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内隐记忆与外显记忆的神经过程研究   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
郭春彦  朱滢 《心理科学》2000,23(2):219-222
在认知神经科学中,内隐记忆与外显记忆的神经过程研究倍受关注.本文对记忆编码和提取的脑功能成像研究成果,以及提取过程中内隐与外显记忆所激活的相关脑区特征进行了较为详尽的分析.最后对有关记忆研究领域的未来发展作出展望.  相似文献   

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When two targets are presented in rapid succession, identification of the first is nearly perfect, while identification of the second is impaired when it follows the first by less than about 700 ms. According to bottleneck models, this attentional blink (AB) occurs because the second target is unable to gain access to capacity-limited working memory processes already occupied by the first target. Evidence for this hypothesis, however, has been mixed, with recent reports suggesting that increasing working memory load does not affect the AB. The present paper explores possible reasons for failures to find a link between memory load and the AB and shows that a reliable effect of load can be obtained when the item directly after T1 (Target 1) is omitted. This finding provides initial evidence that working memory load can influence the AB and additional evidence for a link between T1 processing time and the AB predicted by bottleneck models.  相似文献   

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Journal of Indian Council of Philosophical Research - Contemporary democratic political culture prioritizes the right over the good. The right is imagined as a non-controversial, universally...  相似文献   

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Kelly Staples 《Res Publica》2012,18(1):93-106
This article focuses on the account of disrespect found in Honneth’s theory of recognition. In it, I am particularly interested in the form of misrecognition or disrespect which is the negation of respect, and which is clearly represented by statelessness. Respect, for Honneth, is closely connected to legal recognition. Guided by Honneth’s view of critical theory as ‘not entirely without a foundation in social reality’, the article puts together an analysis of the political dynamics of his model of disrespect. This analysis is used to challenge certain aspects of Honneth’s political theory and in particular the implications of his conception of the state. The article argues that the way in which the state is used has the effect of obscuring significant political obstacles to recognition, and in particular, the way in which the state limits respect.  相似文献   

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In this article we examine the idea of a politics of misrecognition of working activity. We begin by introducing a distinction between the kind of recognition and misrecognition that attaches to one’s identity, and the kind of recognition and misrecognition that attaches to one’s activity. We then consider the political significance of the latter kind of recognition and misrecognition in the context of work. Drawing first on empirical research undertaken by sociologists at the Institut für Sozialforschung in Frankfurt, we argue for a differentiated concept of recognition that shows the politics of misrecognition at work to be as much a matter of conflict between modes of recognition as it is a struggle for recognition as opposed to non-recognition. The differentiated concept of recognition which allows for this empirical insight owes much to Axel Honneth’s theory. But as we argue in the section that follows, this theory is ambiguous about the normative content of the expectations of recognition that are bound up with the activity of working. This in turn makes it unclear how we should understand the normative basis of the politics of the misrecognition of what one does at work. In the final sections of the article, we suggest that the psychodynamic model of work elaborated by Christophe Dejours and others at the Conservatoire National des Arts et Métiers in Paris can shed light on this matter; that is to say, it can help to clarify the normative significance and political stakes of the misrecognition of working activity.  相似文献   

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Using data from a new survey of mainline Protestant clergy, we explore the extent to which a political gender gap exists between male and female mainline Protestant ministers. Analysis reveals major partisan, ideological, attitudinal, and participatory disparities among clergymen and clergywomen. Women are far more liberal than their male counterparts, and even though they face the constraint of being a professional minority, clergywomen tend to participate in politics at higher rates than clergymen.  相似文献   

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组织政治认知对员工行为的影响   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
马超  凌文辁  时勘 《心理科学》2006,29(6):1434-1438
组织政治是组织生活的现实反映,是一种普遍现象,员工对组织政治现象的认知对其行为、态度有诸多的不利影响。本研究运用自行研制的组织政治认知调查问卷,通过对29家企业共1647名员工的调查,探讨了在中国文化背景下员工的组织政治认知的结果变量,可望为各类组织的人力资源管理实践提供理论依据。  相似文献   

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