共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
1.
2.
3.
What does thinking and acting with desire make possible that might otherwise and all too often be foreclosed? How might desire help orient action toward a horizon of becoming across which collective struggle can effect affective reparation and a more capacious politics? In some ways, desire seems to be taken for as much granted as space – that is, it's everywhere, but often difficult to articulate or analytically pin down. For us, what makes desire distinct, but not discrete, from the vocabulary of affect and emotion is that it operates as both absence and lack, on the one hand, and as a profoundly productive motor and motivating force, on the other. Desire moves in ways that presuppose, exceed, and complement the range of expressions that are taken up by scholarship in this journal. In this special issue, we privilege desire, in both senses, as central among the (dis)organizing, affective forces shaping political life. 相似文献
4.
Trauma,Emotions, and Memory in World Politics: The Case of the European Union's Foreign Policy in the Middle East Conflict 下载免费PDF全文
This article focuses on the impact of emotions on the European Union (EU)'s international identity and agency in the context of the memory of trauma. Emotions are understood as performances through which an actor expresses itself to others while constructing its identity, creating its agency, and potentially affecting the social order. It is argued that the memory of trauma is translated into EU foreign policy practice through emotional performances of EU representatives. Empirically, we explore this impact in relation to the EU's engagement in the Israel‐Palestinian prolonged conflict that has many underlying emotions linked with past traumatic experiences. By doing so, we aim to instigate a discussion between the emotions literature in International Relations and the European Union studies literature to nuance understanding of the politics of emotions that increasingly constrain what kind of a global actor the EU actually is or can become. 相似文献
5.
6.
7.
8.
内隐记忆与外显记忆的神经过程研究 总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4
在认知神经科学中,内隐记忆与外显记忆的神经过程研究倍受关注.本文对记忆编码和提取的脑功能成像研究成果,以及提取过程中内隐与外显记忆所激活的相关脑区特征进行了较为详尽的分析.最后对有关记忆研究领域的未来发展作出展望. 相似文献
9.
10.
11.
《Quarterly journal of experimental psychology (2006)》2013,66(6):1085-1103
When two targets are presented in rapid succession, identification of the first is nearly perfect, while identification of the second is impaired when it follows the first by less than about 700 ms. According to bottleneck models, this attentional blink (AB) occurs because the second target is unable to gain access to capacity-limited working memory processes already occupied by the first target. Evidence for this hypothesis, however, has been mixed, with recent reports suggesting that increasing working memory load does not affect the AB. The present paper explores possible reasons for failures to find a link between memory load and the AB and shows that a reliable effect of load can be obtained when the item directly after T1 (Target 1) is omitted. This finding provides initial evidence that working memory load can influence the AB and additional evidence for a link between T1 processing time and the AB predicted by bottleneck models. 相似文献
12.
Journal of Indian Council of Philosophical Research - Contemporary democratic political culture prioritizes the right over the good. The right is imagined as a non-controversial, universally... 相似文献
13.
14.
15.
Kelly Staples 《Res Publica》2012,18(1):93-106
This article focuses on the account of disrespect found in Honneth’s theory of recognition. In it, I am particularly interested
in the form of misrecognition or disrespect which is the negation of respect, and which is clearly represented by statelessness. Respect, for Honneth, is closely connected to legal recognition. Guided
by Honneth’s view of critical theory as ‘not entirely without a foundation in social reality’, the article puts together an
analysis of the political dynamics of his model of disrespect. This analysis is used to challenge certain aspects of Honneth’s
political theory and in particular the implications of his conception of the state. The article argues that the way in which
the state is used has the effect of obscuring significant political obstacles to recognition, and in particular, the way in
which the state limits respect. 相似文献
16.
17.
In this article we examine the idea of a politics of misrecognition of working activity. We begin by introducing a distinction
between the kind of recognition and misrecognition that attaches to one’s identity, and the kind of recognition and misrecognition
that attaches to one’s activity. We then consider the political significance of the latter kind of recognition and misrecognition
in the context of work. Drawing first on empirical research undertaken by sociologists at the Institut für Sozialforschung in Frankfurt, we argue for a differentiated concept of recognition that shows the politics of misrecognition at work to be as much a matter of conflict between modes of recognition as it is a struggle for recognition as opposed to non-recognition. The differentiated concept of recognition which allows for this empirical insight owes much to Axel Honneth’s
theory. But as we argue in the section that follows, this theory is ambiguous about the normative content of the expectations
of recognition that are bound up with the activity of working. This in turn makes it unclear how we should understand the
normative basis of the politics of the misrecognition of what one does at work. In the final sections of the article, we suggest that the psychodynamic model of work elaborated by Christophe Dejours
and others at the Conservatoire National des Arts et Métiers in Paris can shed light on this matter; that is to say, it can help to clarify the normative significance and political stakes
of the misrecognition of working activity. 相似文献
18.
Melissa M. Deckman Sue E. S. Crawford Laura R. Olson John C. Green 《Journal for the scientific study of religion》2003,42(4):621-631
Using data from a new survey of mainline Protestant clergy, we explore the extent to which a political gender gap exists between male and female mainline Protestant ministers. Analysis reveals major partisan, ideological, attitudinal, and participatory disparities among clergymen and clergywomen. Women are far more liberal than their male counterparts, and even though they face the constraint of being a professional minority, clergywomen tend to participate in politics at higher rates than clergymen. 相似文献
19.