Global and School-Related Happiness in Finnish Children

The relation between the global happiness and school-related happiness of 737 12-year-old students was examined. The measures were the Subjective Happiness Scale Lyubomirsky and Lepper (1999) and the School Children’s Happiness Inventory (SCHI 2007). Additionally, the respondents were asked to choose from a list of 12 putative items that make people happy what they felt increased their happiness. They were also asked about their relationships with family members and other important people. The results show a strong relationship between global and school-related happiness and social relationships. The most popular choices of the happiness increasing factors were success in school, more free time and success in a hobby. However, the choices were dependent on the level of global happiness. The least happy students more often than others wanted to have more friends, better looks, more money and a peaceful family life. The happiest students had the fewest number of expressed desires with no special characteristics. The results confirm safe social relations as a primary factor underlying children’s happiness, but they also reveal an achievement-focused attitude in the Finnish students. Future directions in happiness research among school children are discussed.     

The Art of Living by Dispositionally Happy People

The cognitive and motivational processes by which happy people are able to artfully sustain their happiness are examined within a subjectivist construal approach. Individuals who perceive themselves as happy respond to ordinary experiences differently than their less happy peers. Research from our laboratory has revealed these differences in a variety of contexts, including people's responses to decisions, their reactions to social comparisons, and their interpretations of life events. Our research has also shown that, after experiencing failure, happy people tend not to engage in negative self-reflection and are able to perform subsequent tasks without dwelling. Although happy people experience negative moods and negative life events similar to those of less happy people, they evaluate these events less negatively and respond to them in more positive, affirming ways. These group differences suggest a number of possible ways to sustainably enhance happiness, and current experimental interventions designed to test the effectiveness of several intentional happiness-increasing strategies are discussed. This revised version was published online in August 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date.     

Subjective well-being,social buffering and hedonic editing in the quotidian

A previous study on the relationship between subjective well-being (SWB) and hedonic editing—the process of mentally integrating or segregating different events during decision-making—showed that happy individuals preferred the social-buffering strategy more than less happy individuals. The present study examined the relationship between SWB, social-buffering and hedonic outcomes in daily life. In Study 1, we used web-based diaries to measure the frequency with which individuals utilised social and non-social buffers as well as daily levels of happiness. Consistent with the previous finding, happy individuals utilised social buffers more frequently than less happy individuals. Interestingly, the utilisation of social buffers had a positive effect on daily happiness among all participants, regardless of individuals’ levels of SWB. In Study 2, we found that although the use of social buffers yielded similar effects across groups on online evaluations of events, happy individuals showed a positive bias in global evaluations of past events. This finding suggests that how one construes and remembers the outcomes of social buffering may shape the different hedonic editing preferences among happy and less happy individuals.     

The relationship between adult happiness and self-appraised childhood happiness and events

The primary purpose of the present research was to relate questionnaire-assessed self-reported childhood happiness and events to adulthood happiness in 387 non-clinical participants. Although childhood happiness and adult happiness were found to be significantly correlated (r = .28, p < .001), there was little relationship between reported adult happiness and reported specific childhood events and circumstances. Childhood events and circumstances, however, were much more highly correlated with childhood happiness (R = .64). Thirty-four percent of the persons who said they were unhappy or very unhappy as a child, but only 9% who said they were happy or very happy as a child, reported that they were unhappy or very unhappy as adults.     

Can seeking happiness make people unhappy? [corrected] Paradoxical effects of valuing happiness

Happiness is a key ingredient of well-being. It is thus reasonable to expect that valuing happiness will have beneficial outcomes. We argue that this may not always be the case. Instead, valuing happiness could be self-defeating, because the more people value happiness, the more likely they will feel disappointed. This should apply particularly in positive situations, in which people have every reason to be happy. Two studies support this hypothesis. In Study 1, female participants who valued happiness more (vs. less) reported lower happiness when under conditions of low, but not high, life stress. In Study 2, compared to a control group, female participants who were experimentally induced to value happiness reacted less positively to a happy, but not a sad, emotion induction. This effect was mediated by participants' disappointment at their own feelings. Paradoxically, therefore, valuing happiness may lead people to be less happy just when happiness is within reach.     

Can you forgive? It depends on how happy you are

This paper examined how individual group status and happiness influence forgiveness. In Study 1, happiness was treated as a trait difference: highly happy people, compared with very unhappy people, were found to be more willing to forgive murderers. More important, an interaction effect between happiness and group status on forgiveness was found, that is, highly happy people tended to be more forgiving when either ingroup or outgroup members were killed; unhappy people, however, tended to be less forgiving about murder when ingroup rather than outgroup members were killed. In Study 2, happiness was treated as an emotional state difference: happiness, rather than sadness, was found to bring greater forgiveness. Moreover, consistent with the interaction effect displayed in Study 1, happy participants tended to forgive more when ingroup or outgroup members were hurt; sad participants tended to forgive less when ingroup members rather than outgroup members were hurt. Implications for connections between happiness, group membership, and forgiveness are discussed.     

The Relationship Between Adult Happiness and Self-Appraised Childhood Happiness and Events

The primary purpose of the present research was to relate questionnaire-assessed self-reported childhood happiness and events to adulthood happiness in 387 nonclinical participants. Although childhood happiness and adult happiness were found to be significantly correlated (r = .28, p < .001), there was little relationship between reported adult happiness and reported specific childhood events and circumstances. Childhood events and circumstances, however, were much more highly correlated with childhood happiness (R = .64). Thirty-four percent of the persons who said they were unhappy or very unhappy as a child, but only 9% who said they were happy or very happy as a child, reported that they were unhappy or very unhappy as adults.     

Intrapersonal and social comparison determinants of happiness: a range-frequency analysis

Examined whether intrapersonal comparisons and social comparisons operate in similar ways to determine ratings of happiness. Events were varied to create positively and negatively skewed distributions. The events in each distribution were ascribed to either a single person or a group of people; Ss rated how happy they would feel if they experienced specific events within the distribution. Ratings for both intrapersonal and social comparisons were fit well by Parducci's (1984) range-frequency theory. Individual events received higher ratings when presented within the positively skewed context. Overall happiness, as measured by both the mean of the happiness ratings as well as direct ratings, was highest for the negatively skewed distributions. The effects of skewing were more pronounced for intrapersonal comparisons, but ratings were more closely defined by the range of experimental stimuli for social comparisons.     

Dispositional happiness and affective forecasting: General or specific effect?

Recent findings suggest that dispositional traits can influence personal affective forecasting. In this study, we investigated the relationship between dispositional happiness and affective prediction about academic performance among undergraduate students. Participants were asked to predict their emotional reactions on a 7-point Likert scale in regard to an important exam’s result two months prior obtaining their results. All the participants were contacted by SMS (Short Text Message) 8 h after the results were available and were requested to rate their actual emotional feelings on the same scale. According to their scores on the subjective happiness scale, participants were assigned into ‘happy’ and ‘unhappy’ groups. Results show no emotional prediction differences between the two groups for extreme results (i.e. good and bad results). In contrast, happy participants predicted less negative emotional feelings than unhappy ones for moderate results. No differences appear for the emotional feelings assessed the day they received their exam’s scores. These findings support the idea that dispositional happiness is related to emotional prediction and, more particularly, indicate that happiness induces more positive feelings concerning moderate future events, but not for extreme ones. This study suggests that happiness induces a positive view about emotional coping for future intermediate accomplishments only and not a positive view of the future in general.     

Idiographic autobiographical memories in major depressive disorder

When cued with generic happy and sad words, depressed individuals have been found to articulate contextually impoverished, overgeneral memories of both positive and negative autobiographical events. The current study tested whether overgeneral memory is observed outside of the cue-word paradigm. Currently depressed, formerly depressed, and never-depressed controls underwent an idiographic interview procedure in which participants generated memories of their happiest and saddest lifetime events. Although depressed and nondepressed participants did not differ with respect to the specificity, retrieval difficulty, and emotionality of their saddest memories, depressed individuals' happiest memories were less specific, harder to retrieve, and less emotional than were nondepressed participants' happiest memories. The memory characteristics of formerly depressed participants largely resembled those of healthy controls. Overall, the present results suggest that meaningful cues trigger mood-congruent memory processing in currently, but not in formerly, depressed individuals.     

Smiling, frowning, and autonomic activity in mildly depressed and nondepressed men in response to emotional imagery of social contexts

The study examined self-reported emotion and facial muscle and autonomic activity of depressed and nondepressed men in response to the social context of emotional situations. 20 university men, assessed on the Beck Depression Inventory, were asked to imagine happy and sad situations with and without visualizing other people. No differences were found between men classified as depressed and nondepressed on self-reported emotion and facial muscle activity. Smiling did not show differences between social contexts although self-reported happiness was increased during happy-social compared to happy-solitary imagery. Adjusting smiling for social context differences in happiness showed less smiling during happy-social than during happy-solitary imagery. In contrast, self-reported sadness and frowning were greater during sad-social compared to sad-solitary imagery. No differences between social contexts were found when frowning was adjusted for social context differences in sadness. Depressed-scoring men showed higher mean heart rate during sad-social than sad-solitary imagery whereas nondepressed-scoring men showed higher mean heart rate during happy social compared to happy-solitary imagery. The results indicate that men may frown more when sad but generally do not smile more during happy-social imagery, independent of depression. Depressed mood may affect heart rate during sad imagery but may not alter facial muscle activity and self:reported emotion in men.     

美德是幸福的前提吗？

幸福研究方兴未艾,但当今研究着重于幸福的心理描述性层面,而通常忽视了幸福概念中的规范性或者评价性层面。在孔子和亚里士多德等哲学家眼中,美德是幸福的前提。心理学实证研究发现,实践美德行为,如志愿、捐助等活动能够使人获得幸福。同时,研究也发现,人们倾向于认为具有美德的人会更加幸福。虽然实证研究能够说明美德与幸福具有关系,但是在美德与幸福的因果联系确定上,以及美德对于幸福来说是否是工具性的问题上,还需要更多的研究。     

Revisiting the Relationship Between Marriage and Wellbeing: Does Marriage Quality Matter?

This paper revisits the marriage and wellbeing relationship using variables reflecting marriage quality and data from the US, the UK and Germany. People in self-assessed poor marriages are fairly miserable and much less happy than unmarried people, even in the first year of marriages. However, people in self-assessed good marriages are even happier than the literature suggests. Women show greater range of responses to marriage quality than men. The effect of employment status and subjective health on happiness and the marriage effects on interpersonal trust and mental health change dramatically when marriage quality is controlled for. A strong link from happiness to marriage does not exist. However, happier people are more likely to stay single instead of being unhappily married, but less likely to stay single compared to being very happily married and happiness cannot predict staying single versus being pretty happily married.     

Reconciling the Stoic and the Sceptic: Hume on Philosophy as a Way of Life and the Plurality of Happy Lives

On the one hand, Hume accepts the view – which he attributes primarily to Stoicism – that there exists a determinate best and happiest life for human beings, a way of life led by a figure whom Hume calls ‘the true philosopher’. On the other hand, Hume accepts that view – which he attributes to Scepticism – that there exists a vast plurality of good and happy lives, each potentially equally choiceworthy. In this paper, I reconcile Hume's apparently conflicting commitments: I argue that Hume's ‘Sceptical’ pluralism about the character of the happiest life need not conflict with his ‘Stoic’ advocacy of the supreme happiness of the true philosopher, given Hume's flexible understanding of how one might live as a true philosopher.     

Individual and Country‐Level Effects of Social Trust on Happiness: The Asia Barometer Survey

The relationship of individual‐level and country‐level social trust to individuals' happiness was investigated, using cross‐national data of 39,082 participants from 29 Asian countries. For self‐reported happiness, 2.0% of the participants responded they were very happy, while 18.7% were very unhappy. The significant variables associated with happiness were female gender, being age 20–29 years or 60–69 years, married, high income and education, students/retired/homemaker, religious belief, good health, and higher individual and aggregate social trust. Individual health, social trust, and aggregate social trust were all independently associated with people's happiness. People were more likely to be happy if they lived in countries with higher aggregate social trust than countries with poor social trust.     

What Does “Happiness” Prompt in Your Mind? Culture,Word Choice,and Experienced Happiness

What three words come to your mind in association with “happiness”? We analyzed the 1563 words reported by 521 Korean and American participants in this free association task. The most frequently endorsed word was “family” in Korea, whereas the most popular word among Americans was “smile.” The overall frequency of social words (e.g., relationships, social emotions) reported by Koreans was higher, and the most often mentioned relationship type differed between the two groups (family in Korea; friend in the US). Nonetheless, both in Korea and the US, individuals who mentioned more social words were significantly more satisfied with their lives. The amount of social support provision mediated the link between the number of reported social words and experienced happiness. Regardless of culture, a simple count of social words associated with happiness appears to offer a reasonably good clue for how happy the person actually is.     

高低幸福感人群的负情绪特点：生理和表情的依据

为了检测高、低幸福感人群的负情绪反应诸多特点, 研究在实验室诱发厌恶情绪, 以比较高、低幸福组在情绪主观报告、生理、表情、恢复力及调节策略等方面的差异。组间比较结果显示：(1)负情绪情境下, 低幸福组生理唤醒(HR和GSR)较强, 有较多表情抑制; 高幸福组有更多表情行为, 恢复较快; (2)高幸福组有较强的认知再评习惯。研究提示, 逆境中, 高幸福感人群将有较强的情绪表达与恢复力, 低幸福感人群则保留较强的情绪生理动力。     

Individual and Contextual Factors of Happiness and Life Satisfaction in a Low Middle Income Country

Understanding individual and contextual factors of happiness and life satisfaction in a low- and middle-income country setting are important in the study of subjective well-being. This study aims to examine individual and contextual factors of happiness and life satisfaction in one of the happiest countries in the world: Indonesia. Data comes from the Indonesian Family Life Survey 2014 (N _individual = 31,403; N _household = 15,160; N _district = 297). Results from a three-level ordered logit model show that factors of happiness and life satisfaction are beyond individual factors. Happiness and life satisfaction are also strongly associated with factors within an individual’s household and at the district government level. Individuals living in households with better economic welfare are happier and more satisfy. Poor health and unemployment have a detrimental effect on happiness and life satisfaction. Individuals living in districts whose governments’ better deliver public services are happier and more satisfy. In contrast, those living in areas with conflict and violence is less happy and satisfy. Individual religiosity and community social capital in the form of indigenous tradition benefit individual happiness and life satisfaction.     

Area-Level Income Inequality and Individual Happiness: Evidence from Japan

In this study, we investigated how area-level income inequality is associated with an individual’s assessment of happiness, based on micro-level data sourced from nationwide surveys in Japan. It was confirmed from our analysis using logit models that individuals who live in areas of high income inequality tend to report themselves as being less happy, even after controlling for various individual and area-level factors. The association between inequality and happiness is modestly significant, regardless of the choice of covariates at an individual level, and stronger at a lower level of perceived happiness. Moreover, sensitivity to inequality differs substantially according to certain individual attributes. Among others, an important implication for social policy is that those with unstable occupational status are more sensitive to inequality. Given that these people tend to be less happy than others, this result indicates the risk that area-level inequality further reduces the well-being of those with unfavorable employment conditions.     

The Significance of Romantic Love for Marriage

In this study, 605 subjects were asked about romantic love and marriage. Married people differentiated themselves from single people with stable partners and divorced people with new partners by more frequently living together with their great love, more reciprocity in that love, and less disappointments in love relationships prior to the current relationship; but they also described themselves as less happy and satisfied than the single and divorced respondents, particularly with regard to tenderness, sex, and conversation with their partners. Independent of marital status, those who were greatly in love with their partners describe themselves as happier. Love at first sight, relative to a gradually developing love, nevertheless, did not have a worse prognosis for happiness in marriage. Being in love seems to be of greater importance for the prognosis of the marriage than marital happiness and satisfaction.