Race, language, and mental evolution in Darwin's descent of man

Charles Darwin was notoriously ambiguous in his remarks about the relationship between human evolution and biological race. He stressed the original unity of the races, yet he also helped to popularize the notion of a racial hierarchy filling the gaps between the highest anthropoids and civilized Europeans. A focus on Darwin's explanation of how humans initially evolved, however, shows that he mainly stressed not hierarchy but a version of humanity's original mental unity. In his book The Descent of Man, Darwin emphasized a substantial degree of mental development (including the incipient use of language) in the early, monogenetic phase of human evolution. This development, he argued, necessarily came before primeval man's numerical increase, geographic dispersion, and racial diversification, because only thus could one explain how that group was able to spread at the expense of rival ape-like populations. This scenario stood opposed to a new evolutionary polygenism formulated in the wake of Darwin's Origin of Species by his ostensible supporters Alfred Russel Wallace and Ernst Haeckel. Darwin judged this outlook inadequate to the task of explaining humanity's emergence.     

Instant evolution. The influence of the city on human genes: a speculative case

The dominant view in today's evolutionary psychology is that our instincts were stamped into our DNA during the infamous EEA, “The Environment of Evolutionary Adaptedness” (Cosmides & Tooby, Evolutionary psychology: A primer. Santa Barbara: Center for Evolutionary Psychology, University of California, 1997.). This is generally reckoned as a roughly two and a half million-year hunter-gatherer phase that ended before the climax of the last Ice Age. Since then, our genetically preprogrammed heritage has supposedly been locked in stone (or better yet, in an amino acid code). We are, so says the current argument, tribal hunter-gatherers decked out in modern clothes. However a strong case can be made for the possibility that human biology has continued to evolve during the 10,000 years since Jericho's builders erected the first city walls. Genes change far more speedily than most evolutionary psychologists realize. Natural selection has had 400 generations to rework our bodies and our brains since the days when Catal Huyuk, Suberde, and Tepe Yahya joined Jericho's mesh of intercity trade. Four thousand years before the rise of the Sumerian cities of Ur, Uruk, and Kish, Stone Age metropolises from Anatolia to the edges of India were already rich in challenges and opportunities. These urban traps and niches may well have been selectors forming much of what we are today. Homo urbanis has not only arrived, he has long since elbowed Homo tribalis far off to the side.     

Altered stress responses in children exposed to early adversity: a systematic review of salivary cortisol studies

Pathological stress responses are implicated in numerous disorders. Hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal axis function is influenced by gene-environment interaction, with early-life environmental adversity having long-lasting effects. We examine the evidence that, in humans, these effects are apparent from infancy. We systematically reviewed published findings on cortisol response to a stressor, in 0-5-year-olds already exposed to adversity. Adversity was defined as a negative environmental influence present post-conception. We searched Ovid MEDLINE (1950-May 2010), EMBASE (1980-May 2010) and PsychINFO (1806-May 2010). We included peer-reviewed, English language studies that analysed salivary cortisol before and after a standardised stressor. We identified 30 studies, of which 27 reported a significant effect of adversity on the cortisol response to stress. Six of these demonstrated an effect of prenatal substance exposure. Thirteen studies found that psychosocial adversity increased cortisol reactivity. Three studies reported that cortisol reactivity could be normalised by intervention programmes. The studies were heterogeneous, both in nature of adversity studied and in stressor used, precluding meta-analysis and assessment of publication bias. Our review presents evidence that adversity disrupts the stress response from an early age. Longitudinal studies are required to determine whether effects persist, alter with time, or are reversible with intervention.     

"On my way here, I passed a man with a scab": understanding a case of severe obsessive-compulsive disorder

The author describes the psychoanalysis of "John" to illustrate her view of the psychodynamic organization of obsessive-compulsive disorder. She begins with Freud's recognition of the patient's sadism and of the patient's terror of the oedipal situation, which led to the regression to the anal-erotic level of psychic organization. The author then calls upon ideas from contemporary British object relations theory to describe the damage to the objects and to the sense of self in the individual's inner world that occurs as a further defense when overwhelming danger is experienced. This integrated conceptualization is clearly illustrated in John's clinical material.     

A note on Corballis (1997) and the genetics and evolution of handedness: developing a unified distributional model from the sex-chromosomes gene hypothesis

A unified, quantitative model for sex, twin, parent, and grandparent influences on handedness is presented. Recent research modeling the evolutionary development of genetic mechanisms for the transmission of handedness on the basis of genotype fitness has appeared to lead to the conclusion that a handedness gene cannot be located on the sex chromosomes. It is shown in this article, however, that this conclusion is not of general validity. The sex-chromosomes hypothesis is developed further, and it is demonstrated that a wide-ranging, detailed, and parsimonious account of the distribution of handedness is obtained when left-handedness is assumed to be associated recessively, and with low penetrance, with genetic variation located on the X chromosome.     

The stability of vocational interests from early adolescence to middle adulthood: a quantitative review of longitudinal studies

The present meta-analysis examined the stability of vocational interests from early adolescence (age 12) to middle adulthood (age 40). Stability was represented by rank-order and profile correlations. Interest stability remained unchanged during much of adolescence and increased dramatically during the college years (age 18-21.9), where it remained for the next 2 decades. Analyses of potential moderators showed that retest time interval was negatively related to interest stability and that rank-order stability was less stable than profile stability. Although cohort standings did not moderate stability, interests of the 1940s birth cohort were less stable than those of other cohorts. Furthermore, interests reflecting hands-on physical activities and self-expressive/artistic activities were more stable than scientific, social, enterprising, and clerical interests. Vocational interests showed substantial continuity over time, as evidenced by their higher longitudinal stability when compared with rank-order stability of personality traits. The findings are discussed in the context of psychosocial development.     

Adolescents' views on war and peace in the early phases of the Iraq conflict

Adolescents' views of war and peace were assessed among 209 children aged 10-14 who attended a parochial school or its after-school religious program located in a predominantly middle-class, suburban area within commuting distance of New York City. Findings were compared to those of youth surveyed during other armed conflicts, specifically the Vietnam War, the first Persian Gulf War, and the U.S. military involvement in Latin America. The study took place in early fall 2003, and results were interpreted in light of the social climate and complex realities of post 9/11 in New York State, the Catholic Church's initial opposition to the Iraq conflict, and popular opinion. In spite of differences between the Iraq War and other conflicts, findings are remarkably similar. Although the present group is highly preoccupied with terrorism and nuclear war, even in a time of war, participants show concern for what they perceived as affecting their lives directly, rather than with conventional war. While they believe that President Bush was honest about the war in Iraq and right in sending troops, they do not glorify war. On a theoretical level, they overwhelmingly believe that wars are bad and the majority is optimistic that world peace is possible, though they realize that wars are difficult to prevent, believe that they are sometimes needed, and will occur in the future. Unlike the Catholic group surveyed by Tolley during the Vietnam War, however, participants are not as ready to die for their country, although findings show that, overall, like past groups, more boys tend to be pro-war than are girls and participants' views tend to reflect contemporary public opinions.     

The sense of agency: a philosophical and empirical review of the "Who" system

How do I know that I am the person who is moving? According to Wittgenstein (1958), the sense of agency involves a primitive notion of the self used as subject, which does not rely on any prior perceptual identification and which is immune to error through misidentification. However, the neuroscience of action and the neuropsychology of schizophrenia show the existence of specific cognitive processes underlying the sense of agency--the "Who" system--which is disrupted in delusions of control. Yet, we have to be careful in the interpretation of such clinical symptoms, which cannot be so easily reduced to deficit of action monitoring or to lack of action awareness. Moreover, we should refine the definition of the sense of agency by distinguishing the sense of initiation and the sense of one's own movements. A conceptual analysis of the empirical data will lead us to establish the taxonomy of the different levels of action representations.     

The "good enough" mood stabilizer: a review of the clinical evidence

A growing family of medications is used for mood stabilization in bipolar disorder. These medications fall into two broad categories according to likely mechanisms of action. Within the categories, specific drugs may vary in their efficacy for different phases of the disorder. The first category, including lithium, anticonvulsants, and some novel treatments, appears to have mechanisms related to intracellular second messengers. These medications have more pronounced antimanic than antidepressant effects, except for lamotrigine, which has antidepressant effects without precipitating mania. The second group of mood stabilizers is the atypical antipsychotics, which act through dopamine and other monoamines. Olanzapine and in all likelihood other drugs in the class possess marked, acute antimanic properties and possible antidepressant properties, but require further study before they can be used as routine options in long-term care. It is clear that the advent of multiple mood stabilizer candidates has not yet led to a single ideal therapy for bipolar disorder, but rather to options that can be flexibly tailored to the lifetime needs of individual patients, in sequences or combinations, and perhaps in conjunction with other classes of psychotropics.     

Biosocial studies of antisocial and violent behavior in children and adults: a review

Despite increasing knowledge of social and biological risk factors for antisocial and violent behavior, we know surprisingly little about how these two sets of risk factors interact. This paper documents 39 empirical examples of biosocial interaction effects for antisocial behavior from the areas of genetics, psychophysiology, obstetrics, brain imaging, neuropsychology, neurology, hormones, neurotransmitters, and environmental toxins. Two main themes emerge. First, when biological and social factors are grouping variables and when antisocial behavior is the outcome, then the presence of both risk factors exponentially increases the rates of antisocial and violent behavior. Second, when social and antisocial variables are grouping variables and biological functioning is the outcome, then the social variable invariably moderates the antisocial–biology relationship such that these relationships are strongest in those from benign home backgrounds. It is argued that further biosocial research is critical for establishing a new generation of more successful intervention and prevention research.