Recognizing disguised faces

Across three experiments, we evaluated the effects of “disguises” on observers’ face identification performance using naturalistic images in which individuals posed with a variety of wigs and eyeglasses. Experiment 1 tested recognition memory performance with and without disguises and showed that any changes in these facial attributes hindered performance, replicating previous findings. More interestingly, Experiment 1 revealed that a change in hairstyle or the removal of eyeglasses had more impact on performance than did the addition of eyeglasses. In Experiment 2, disguised and undisguised faces were presented upright or inverted to examine whether the performance decrements seen in Experiment 1 were attributable to disruption of processing strategies for faces. Despite showing an overall effect of disguise on performance, there was no interaction between inversion and disguise. This suggests that disguises are not directly affecting processing strategies, but instead disguises are likely encoded as part of the overall representation. Similarly, in Experiment 3, the composite face paradigm was used to examine whether the impact of disguises is attributable to disruption of holistic processing for faces. Again, we found an overall effect of disguise on performance, but here we also observed that the presence of disguises interacted with participants’ tendency to form holistic face representations.     

Recognizing familiar and unfamiliar faces

These experiments addressed why, in episodic-memory tests, familiar faces are recognized better than unfamiliar faces. Memory for faces of well-known public figures and unfamiliar persons was tested, not only with old/new recognition tests, in which initially viewed faces were discriminated from dis tractors, but also with tests of memory for specific information. These included: detail recall, in which a masked feature had to be described; orientation recognition, in which discrimination between originally seen faces and mirror-image reversals was required; and recognition and recall of labels for the public figures. Experiments 1 and 2 showed that memory for orientation and featural details was not robustly related either to facial familiarity or to old/new recognition rates. Experiment 3 showed that memory for labels was not the exclusive determinant of the famous-face advantage in recognition, since famous faces were highly recognizable even they were not labelable or when labels were forgotten. These results suggest that the familiarity effect, and face recognition in general, may reflect a nonverbal memory representation that is relatively abstract.     

Recognizing faces in and out of context

Two experiments are reported which examined the influence of context on face recognition accuracy for novel and familiar faces respectively. Context was manipulated by varying the physical background against which the faces appeared. In Experiment I, 80 student subjects observed 18 faces before attempting to recognize them in a sequence of 36 alternatives. For half the subjects, the backgrounds changed from study to test, while for the remainder they stayed the same. In addition, for half the subjects, both the pose and expression of the face also changed, while for the others it remained constant. Changes in pose plus expression and context significantly reduced recognition accuracy for the target faces. Experiment II used an identical design, except that the faces of celebrities replaced the novel faces. The influence of context was eliminated but the effects of pose and expression were maintained. However, when only faces which were actually identified by subjects were considered, the effects of pose and expression, too, were eliminated. The significance of these findings for theories of contextual memory are discussed.     

Recognizing faces in and out of context

Two experiments are reported which examined the influence of context on face recognition accuracy for novel and familiar faces respectively. Context was manipulated by varying the physical background against which the faces appeared. In Experiment I, 80 student subjects observed 18 faces before attempting to recognize them in a sequence of 36 al ternatives , For half the subj ects, the backgrounds changed from study to test, while for the remainder they stayed the same. In addition, for half the subjects, both the pose and expression of the face also changed, while for the others it remained constant. Changes in pose plus expression and context significantly reduced recognition accuracy for the target faces. Experiment 11 used an identical design, except that the faces of celebrities replaced the novel faces. The influence of context was eliminated but the effects of pose and expression were maintained. However, when only faces which were actually identified by subjects were considered, the effects of pose and expression, too, were eliminated. The significance of these findings for theories of contextual memory are discussed.     

Recognizing faces defined by texture gradients

Texture gradients can reveal surface orientation in a manner similar to shape from shading, and therefore provide an important cue for object recognition. In this study, we tested whether a complex 3-D object, such as a face, can be identified from texture gradients alone. The stimuli were laser-scanned faces for which the texture element was a fractal-noise pattern mapped onto the 3-D surface. An eight-alternative forced choice task was used in which participants matched a face defined by texture gradients to one of eight faces defined by shape from shading (Experiment 1) or by texture gradients (Experiment 2). On average, participants scored 24% and 18%, respectively, above chance in these experiments. Although this performance was much poorer than the performance based entirely on shape-from-shading stimuli (Experiment 3), the results suggest that texture gradient information may be used to recover surface geometry of complex objects.     

Learning to see faces and objects

Visual recognition of objects is an impressively difficult problem that biological systems solve effortlessly. We consider two aspects of this ability. First, is the recognition of all objects accomplished by either a single system or multiple, domain-specific systems? Behavioral, neuropsychological and neuroimaging data indicate that a single system is sufficient for the recognition of all objects at all levels. Second, how does such a system 'tune' itself to the constraints imposed by recognition at different levels of specificity? Evidence indicates that the task demands and learning that arise from different forms of feedback determine which computational routines are recruited automatically in object recognition.     

Recognizing novel views of three-dimensional objects.

The purpose of the experiments reported was to examine how novel, three-dimensional shapes are represented in long-term memory and how this might be differentially affected by monocular and binocular viewing. Three experiments were conducted. The first experiment established that slide projections of the novel objects could be recognized readily if seen in the same orientation as seen during learning. The second and third experiments examined generalization to novel depth rotations of the objects. The second experiment used slide projections of the objects. The results indicated that the representation of the objects seen during training was quite viewpoint-specific as recognition of objects in novel orientations was relatively poor. In the third experiment subjects were shown the real objects under monocular or binocular viewing. Overall, the results are consistent with a growing body of recent research showing that, at least under certain conditions, the visual system stores viewpoint-specific representations of objects.     

Recognizing distinctive faces: A hybrid-similarity exemplar model account

In recognition memory experiments, Nosofsky and Zaki (2003) found that adding discrete distinctive features to continuous-dimension color stimuli helped participants to identify old items as old (the old-item distinctiveness effect), as well as to identify new items as new. The present study tests the extent to which these results generalize to the domain of face recognition. Two experiments were conducted, one using artificial faces and one using natural faces. Artificial faces were used to test memory for faces with discrete distinctive features while controlling the similarity of the faces themselves on more continuous dimensions. The natural-face experiment used the faces of 40 bald men categorized into three groups (typical, isolated, and distinctive) based on experimental ratings of distinctiveness. In both experiments, there were strong effects of the distinctive features on recognition performance. The data were accounted for reasonably well by a hybrid-similarity version of an exemplar recognition model (Nosofsky and Zaki, 2003), which includes a feature-matching mechanism that can provide boosts to an item's self-similarity.     

Familiarity effects on categorization levels of faces and objects

It is well established that faces, in contrast to objects, are categorized as fast or faster at the individual level (e.g., Bill Clinton) than at the basic-level (e.g., human face). This subordinate-shift from basic-level categorization has been considered an outcome of visual expertise with processing faces. However, in the present study we found that, similar to familiar faces, categorization of individually-known familiar towers is also faster at the individual level than at the basic-level in naïve participants. In addition, category-verification of familiar stimuli, at basic and superordinate levels, was slower and less accurate compared to unfamiliar stimuli. Thus, the existence of detailed semantic information, regardless of expertise, can induce a shift in the default level of object categorization from basic to individual level. Moreover, the individually-specific knowledge is not only more easily-retrieved from memory but it might also interfere with accessing more general category information.     

Recognizing emotion in faces: developmental effects of child abuse and neglect

The contributions to the recognition of emotional signals of (a) experience and learning versus (b) internal predispositions are difficult to investigate because children are virtually always exposed to complex emotional experiences from birth. The recognition of emotion among physically abused and physically neglected preschoolers was assessed in order to examine the effects of atypical experience on emotional development. In Experiment 1, children matched a facial expression to an emotional situation. Neglected children had more difficulty discriminating emotional expressions than did control or physically abused children. Physically abused children displayed a response bias for angry facial expressions. In Experiment 2, children rated the similarity of facial expressions. Control children viewed discrete emotions as dissimilar, neglected children saw fewer distinctions between emotions, and physically abused children showed the most variance across emotions. These results suggest that to the extent that children's experience with the world varies, so too will their interpretation and understanding of emotional signals.     

The fidelity of visual memory for faces and non-face objects

The fidelity of visual working memory was assessed for faces and non-face objects. In two experiments, four levels of memory load (1, 2, 3, or 4 items) were combined with four perceptual distances between probe and study items, with maximum item confusability occurring for the minimum memory load. Under these conditions, recognition memory for multiple faces exceeded that of a single face. This result was primarily due to the higher false alarm rates for faces than non-face objects, even though the two classes of stimuli had been matched for perceptual discriminability. Control experiments revealed that this counterintuitive result emerged only for old–new recognition choices based on near-threshold image differences. For non-face objects, instead, recognition performance decreased with increasing memory load. It is speculated that the low memorial discriminability of the transient properties of a face may serve the purpose of enhancing recognition at the individual-exemplar level.     

Recognition of faces and complex objects in younger and older adults

We examined whether (1) age-associated impairments in face recognition are specific to faces or also apply to within-category recognition of other objects and (2) age-related face recognition deficits are related to impairments in encoding second-order relations and holistic information. In Experiments 1 and 2, we found reliable age differences for recognition of faces, but not of objects. Moreover, older adults (OAs) and younger adults (YAs) displayed similar face inversion effects. In Experiment 3, unlike YAs, OAs did not show the expected decline in performance for recognition of composites (Young, Hellawell, and Hay, 1987). In Experiment 4, both OAs and YAs showed a whole/part advantage (Tanaka and Farah, 1993). Our results suggest that OAs have spared function for processing of second-order relations and holistic information. Possible explanations for the finding that OAs have greater difficulty recognizing faces than recognizing other objects are proposed.     

Semantic priming in the name retrieval of objects and famous faces

Researchers interested in face processing have recently debated whether access to the name of a known person occurs in parallel with retrieval of semantic‐biographical codes, rather than in a sequential fashion. Recently, Schweinberger, Burton, and Kelly (2001) took a failure to obtain a semantic context effect in a manual syllable judgment task on names of famous faces as support for this position. In two experiments, we compared the effects of visually presented categorically related prime words with either objects (e.g. prime: animal; target: dog) or faces of celebrities (e.g. prime: actor; target: Bruce Willis) as targets. Targets were either manually categorized with regard to the number of syllables (as in Schweinberger et al.), or they were overtly named. For neither objects nor faces was semantic priming obtained in syllable decisions; crucially, however, priming was obtained when objects and faces were overtly named. These results suggest that both face and object naming are susceptible to semantic context effects.     

Attentional and perceptual factors affecting the attentional blink for faces and objects

When 2 different visual targets presented among different distracters in a rapid serial visual presentation (RSVP) are separated by 400 ms or less, detection and identification of the 2nd targets are reduced relative to longer time intervals. This phenomenon, termed the attentional blink (AB), is attributed to the temporary engagement of a limited-capacity attentional system by the 1st target, which reduces resources available for processing the 2nd target. Although AB has been reliably obtained with many stimulus types, it has not been found for faces (E. Awh et al., 2004). In the present study, the authors investigate the underpinnings of this immunity. Unveiling circumstances in which AB occurs within and across faces and other categories, the authors demonstrate that a multichannel model cannot account for the absence of AB effects on faces. The authors suggest instead that perceptual salience of the face within the distracters' series as well as the available resources determine whether or not faces are blinked in RSVP.     

Irrelevant objects of expertise compete with faces during visual search

Prior work suggests that nonface objects of expertise can interfere with the perception of faces when the two categories are alternately presented, suggesting competition for shared perceptual resources. Here, we ask whether task-irrelevant distractors from a category of expertise compete when faces are presented in a standard visual search task. Participants searched for a target (face or sofa) in an array containing both relevant and irrelevant distractors. The number of distractors from the target category (face or sofa) remained constant, whereas the number of distractors from the irrelevant category (cars) varied. Search slopes, calculated as a function of the number of irrelevant cars, were correlated with car expertise. The effect was not due to car distractors grabbing attention, because they did not compete with sofa targets. Objects of expertise interfere with face perception even when they are task irrelevant, visually distinct, and separated in space from faces.     

Recognizing objects seen from novel viewpoints: effects of view similarity and time

View combination refers to a process that allows generalization to novel views of an object by the combination of object views represented in memory. The present experiments examined whether the perceived similarity between views or the temporal separation of views poses constraints on the view combination process. The results indicated that, although similar views are mapped onto the same object more easily than dissimilar views, dissimilar views, when experienced contiguously in time, produce greater generalization after view combination than similar views. These findings suggest that although the mapping of dissimilar views to the same object is difficult, exposure to temporally contiguous dissimilar views produces better generalization than does exposure to similar views, presumably because they provide more structural information about the object. However, view combination appears to be constrained to views experienced contiguously in time.     

Random-dot stereograms of real objects: observation on stereo faces and moulds

A simple technique for producing random-dot stereograms of real objects is described. It is then shown that stereograms of inside-out faces (moulds) cease to be perceptually reversible only when the presentation is truly cyclopean. Further possible applications of the technique are outlined.     

Visual category-selectivity for faces, places and objects emerges along different developmental trajectories

The organization of category-selective regions in ventral visual cortex is well characterized in human adults. We investigated a crucial, previously unaddressed, question about how this organization emerges developmentally. We contrasted the developmental trajectories for face-, object-, and place-selective activation in the ventral visual cortex in children, adolescents, and adults. Although children demonstrated adult-like organization in object- and place-related cortex, as a group they failed to show consistent face-selective activation in classical face regions. The lack of a consistent neural signature for faces was attributable to (1) reduced face-selectivity and extent of activation within the regions that will become the FFA, OFA, and STS in adults, and (2) smaller volumes and considerable variability in the locus of face-selective activation in individual children. In contrast, adolescents showed an adult-like pattern of face-selective activation, although it was more right-lateralized. These findings reveal critical age-related differences in the emergence of category-specific functional organization in the visual cortex and support a model of brain development in which specialization emerges from interactions between experience-dependent learning and the maturing brain.     

Sensitivity to spacing changes in faces and nonface objects in preschool-aged children and adults

Sensitivity to variations in the spacing of features in faces and a class of nonface objects (i.e., frontal images of cars) was tested in 3- and 4-year-old children and adults using a delayed or simultaneous two-alternative forced choice matching-to-sample task. In the adults, detection of spacing information was robust against exemplar differences for faces but varied across exemplars for cars (Experiment 1A). The 4-year-olds performed above chance in both face and car discrimination even when differences in spacing were very small (within ±1.6 standard deviations [SDs]) and the task involved memory components (Experiment 1B), and the same was true for the 3-year-olds when tested with larger spacing changes (within ±2.5 SDs) in a task that posed no memory demands (Experiment 2). An advantage in the discrimination of faces over cars was found at 4 years of age, but only when spacing cues were made more readily available (within ±2.5 SDs). Results demonstrate that the ability to discriminate objects based on feature spacing (i.e., sensitivity to second-order information) is present at 3 years of age and becomes more pronounced for faces than cars by 4 years of age.