隋唐五代道教学者志(续)

九、李筌李筌,号达观子。生卒年不详,活动于唐玄宗朝。据唐末五代时人杜光庭《神仙感遇传》称,李筌遍历名山,后入秦,得遇骊山老母,谓其“四十五当有大厄”,疑或指为李林甫所排挤,似此则约生于公元660年前后。李筌是唐代伟大的思想家、军事家;但其名既不显于当时,其后千余年间也没有受到足够的重视。正史不载     

司马承祯与“易简”修炼法

司马承祯 (647—735)是唐代并名的道教养生理论家。字子微,法号道隐,自号白云子。河内温(今河南温县)人。据《旧唐书·司马承祯传》载:“少好学,薄于为吏,遂为道士。师事潘师正,传其符箓及辟谷、导引、服饵之术。师正特赏异之。谓曰:‘我自陶隐居传正一之法,至汝四叶矣’。”为陶氏三传弟子,上清派第十二代宗师。唐高宗永淳元年(682年),潘师正逝世于太山逍遥谷。其后司马承祯遍历名山,隐于天台玉霄峰。武则天闻其名,召至都,降手诏赞美。及将归还,遣麟台监李峤饯行于洛桥之东(《旧唐书·司马承祯传》)。景云二年(711年),睿宗令其兄子承祎到天台迎司马承祯入宫,问以道术。     

《黄帝阴符经疏》是李筌作还是袁淑真作之考证

《正统道藏》现存有题名李筌的《黄帝阴符经疏》,其内容与袁淑真的《黄帝阴符经集解》雷同,由此引发了《疏》是李筌著亦或袁淑真著的争议。本文赞同陈进国先生的看法,认为李筌是《黄帝阴符经疏》的作者,并补充三点证据:1.在《道藏》分三章且有三章名称的注解本中,只有李筌、袁淑真注本将第二章题为"富国安人演法章"。2.《黄帝阴符经疏》中明确提到安禄山、史思明的名字,并称他们为"篡逆悖乱之臣"。3.由李《疏》与袁《集解》中在"神仙抱一演道章"后的两段话比较来看,该段为李筌所著。     

邵雍思想与老庄哲学

邵雍(1001—1077)字尧夫,谥号康节。是北宋中期一位重要思想家,也是宋代理学的代表人物之一。《宋史》卷427《邵雍传》述其学渊源说:“北海李之才摄共城令,闻雍好学,尝造其庐,谓曰:‘子亦闻物理性命之学乎?’雍对曰:‘幸受教。’乃事之才,受《河图》、《洛书》。宓羲八卦六十四卦图象,之才之传,远有端绪,而雍探颐索隐。妙悟神契。洞彻蕴奥,汪洋浩博多其所自得者。”李之才是宋初著名道士陈抟(字希夷)的三传弟子,南宋初朱震《汉上易解》:“陈抟以《先天图》传种放,放传穆修,穆修传李之才,之才传邵雍。”(《宋史》卷435《朱震传》)陈抟之学对宋代士大夫影响极大,对宋     

也说“验之出土文献与历史”——答尹振环先生

尹振环先生撰文《论〈老子〉需要验之出土文献与历史》 (见《哲学研究》 2 0 0 3年第 1期 ,以下简称“尹文”) ,对拙作《老子道论价值取向辨略》 (见《哲学研究》 2 0 0 1年第 6期 ,以下简称“《辨略》”)提出商榷 ,其以“验之出土文献”、“验之历史”置辞 ,断言老子学说为“政治哲学” ,指摘拙论对老子道论之价值取向的辨说乃是“远离了”《老子》一书的“主题”。现扼其要 ,简答如下 :1 .老子虽曾为“周守藏室之史” ,但终于“自隐”而做了隐者。《史记·老庄申韩列传》谓 :“老子 ,隐君子也” ,又谓“老子修道德 ,其学以自隐无名为务”…     

《庄子》号《南华真经》源流考

《庄子》一书又称《南华真经》,然《庄子》何时有《南华真经》之称,学术界存在着不同的观点。传统的说法认为始于唐玄宗天宝元年。这种观点源于史书的记载。如《旧唐书·玄宗本纪》云:“(天宝元年)二月丁亥,上加尊号为开元天宝圣文神武皇帝。(天宝元年)二月丙申,庄子号为南华真     

简论宋濂思想的特色

<正> 宋濂(1310——1381年),字景濂,浙江金华人,学者称潜溪先生。早在元末,他即已“藉然著闻”,“知名于时”。元至正二十一年,他正式应朱元璋之聘,由山林步入廓庙。从此,日受崇信,不断升迁,历任赞善大夫、翰林院学士、知制诏、《元史》修撰总裁等。他虽为文学侍从,但朱元璋常向他垂询国是,尊同太师。朱元璋常对宋濂说:“朕以布衣为天子,卿亦起草莱列侍从,为开国文臣之首。俾世世与国同体,不亦美乎?”令取子孙官之,宋濂屡辞谢,不敢奉诏。(郑楷:《行状》,《宋文宪公全集》卷首二)《明史》本传称“一代礼乐制度,濂所裁定者居多。”全祖望谓其“以开国巨公,首唱有明三百年钟吕之音。”(《宋文宪公画像记》,《宋元学案·北山四先生学案》)     

湖南洞天福地考

在中国的许多旅游胜地,常常见到洞天、福地之名,所谓“洞天福地”,是道教选定的仙境:“洞天”,指有山峦合抱中虚,兼采阴阳二气的“洞室”通达上天,神仙主治,众仙所居,凡夫道士居此修炼,即可登仙;“福地”即谓“得福之地”,多为地仙、真人主宰,居此即可受福度世成仙。洞天福地观念形成于东晋以前,早期道经《道迹经》、《真诰》均已提到“十大洞天”、“福地志”。南北朝道书《敷斋威仪经》将天下分为“二十四治、三十六靖庐,七十二福地,三百六十五名山……”,洞天福地具体名目则首先载于唐道士司马承祯(647～735)所编《天地宫府图》,以及后来…     

笑指武夷山下 白云深处吾家

夏日 ,武夷山的青山绿水在蓝天白云的衬托下显得格外迷人。乘“１９９９年武夷山道教文化学术研讨会”在此召开之际 ,我在饱览了武夷山丹霞地貌的自然风光中 ,又一次领略了道教文化的博大精深和勃勃生机。武夷山是道教的第十六洞天。相传在秦始皇时期 ,就有神仙降临于此 ,自称“武夷君”。武夷君道术高超 ,因而能够统领群仙 ,山也就以他而命名。据《武夷山志》介绍 ,唐天宝年间 (７４２年 -７５６年 ) ,武夷山上始建道教宫观天宝殿。南唐皇帝李煜为他的弟弟入观修道而重修宫殿 ,天宝殿改名为会仙馆。会仙馆在宋代时被扩建为拥有屋宇三百多间…     

神仙传记

记述神仙事迹的著作。神仙的传说,其源甚古,早期记载,多为片言只语,散见于百家之中。迨至秦汉,方士辈出,宣扬神仙之说,秦皇汉武,深信寻求。于是神仙传说,遂累见于史传之中。随道教之兴起,记述神仙人物事迹的专著——《列仙传》,也随之问世。企求长生不死,成为神仙,是道教的理想,而《列仙传》宣传神仙之存在而可学,体现了道教的要求。《列仙传》启其端,《神仙传》     

"Psychotherapy" versus "treatment"

Presents a comment on "Psychological treatments" by D. H. Barlow. Barlow proposed that we distinguish between the terms "treatment" and "psychotherapy." The author believes that not only is the distinction unnecessary, but that its implications could have negative consequences for the field of clinical psychology. It is the proposed distinguishing feature that treatments are "specifically tailored to the pathological process that is causing the impairment and distress" that is most problematic. Clinical psychology does not need a distinction that further exacerbates the split between researchers and practitioners.     

"Enmeshment" and "Fusion"

The paper examines two related concepts utilized by two different schools of family therapy. Any family seen to be "enmeshed" is also seen as "fused," and vice versa. The difference in the level of focus, on the "system containing the individuals" (structural) or the "individual in the system" (fusion), determines the difference in therapeutic approach of these two schools.     

“对的”与“好的”

什么是“对的”,和对它的证立,是道德哲学中具有争议性的核心问题,也是效用主义和道义论间的主要差异之所在。统合效用主义对于“好的就是对的”这个陈述有一套完整周延的说法。而道义论对这个问题的证立不够周延或没有足够的说服力。     

"本体论"与"伦理学"--形而上学的两个向度

形而上学有两个密切相关的内在向度,就是本体论向度与伦理学向度.在哲学史上,哲学家们之所以在"追求形而上学"的同时,又总是"反形而上学",并非是人们的形上本性出了问题,而是因为人们总是将形而上学视为单纯的"一维性",总是用一个向度来取代或遮蔽另一个向度.而所谓的"后形而上学思想",也并不是消解了形而上学,而是指形而上学从"本体论向度"转向了"伦理学向度".     

"石狮"、"风水"与"吉祥"

谁都知道,在古老的中国,不管是衙门、宫殿、庙宇的门前,还是豪宅、大户人家的门口,人们都能看到摆着一对石狮。据说,这对石狮子在许多中国人的心目中,它不但是一种气派的象征,而且还是一种被人认为是好的“吉祥物”。如今,旧时的衙门没有了,但遗留下来的宫殿、庙宇的门前,其中有些石狮仍有保存。然而,想像不到的是,这号称“吉祥物”的石狮今天却开始“走”进某些党政机关的大门口,它们(石狮)在那里时时都在保护着这些政府要员“平平安安”、“吉祥如意”。这不仅使我联想起一些极端的报道,有些政府官员为升迁,请算命先生定位,用风水术为政府…     

从"管制"到"平衡"--政府与公众理想关系模式的构建及其制度化

论文从行政民主的角度探讨政府与公众之间的理想关系模式及其制度化构建过程 ,将我国在改革之前的政府与公众模式概括为管制模式。论文指出 ,在制度变迁的过程中 ,这一模式日益受到挑战。而在新的制度环境下 ,我国政府与公众的关系模式应该是平衡模式。这一模式的制度化措施包括培育自主的市民社会 ,赋予公众以独立的活动空间 ;促进行政公开 ,建立一个开放负责的政府 ;推进行政法建设 ,抑制行政恣意     

PREFERRING "HOUSEWIVES" TO "FEMINISTS"

Four studies are described outlining the favorability of attitudes toward women. In Study 1, participants indicated their attitudes toward women and men and their construal of the term "women". The results revealed that women were evaluated more favorably than men, but that male right-wing authoritarians (RWAs) who construed women as referring primarily to feminists were least favorable in their attitudes. In Study 2, participants indicated their attitudes toward both "housewives" and "feminists". The results revealed that feminists were evaluated less favorably than housewives, and that the most negative attitudes toward feminists were expressed by authoritarian men. Study 3 revealed that high-RWA males held more negative symbolic beliefs concerning feminists (i.e., beliefs that feminists failed to promote participants'values) and that these beliefs accounted for variation in attitudes among high RWAs and much of the RWA-attitude relation. Finally, Study 4 revealed that high RWAs perceived greater value dissimilarity between them-selves and feminists. The implications of the findings for future research are discussed.     

"Us" and "Them":

Abstract: In the Aristotelian tradition, politics is a matter of public deliberation over questions of justice and injustice. The Bush administration's response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, has been uniformly hostile to this notion, and it has instead promoted a jingoistic politics of self‐assertion by an America largely identified with the executive branch of its government. This is doubly disturbing, as the executive branch has sought to free itself from international law, multinational commitments, and domestic judicial regulation, even as it has sought to validate itself by demonizing its enemies. This essay draws out the disturbing echoes here of Carl Schmitt's work of the 1920s, in particular of Schmitt's conception of the sovereign as the ungrounded ground of the law and the political as the site of mortal conflict between friend and enemy. The essay argues that Schmitt's position in the twenties, for all of its evident problems, is superior to that of Bush, Wolfowitz, and Ashcroft in at least two senses: Schmitt condemns the idea of waging war for profit and recognizes that such wars will often be disguised as moral crusades waged against the “inhuman”; and he acknowledges that claiming to fight a war for humanity denies one's enemies their humanity, leaving them open to torture and even extermination.