The cataphoric use of the indefinite this in spoken narratives

Are concepts that were introduced with the unstressed, indefinite articlethis, as opposed to the indefinitea/an, more accessible from listeners’ mental representations? Subjects heard and then verbally continued each of a series of informal narratives. The last clause of each narrative introduced a new noun phrase that began with either the indefinitethis or the indefinitea/an (e.g.,this egg oran egg). When the concepts were introduced with the indefinitethis, the subjects referred to them more frequently, often within the first clauses that they produced, and typically via pronouns. In contrast, when the concepts were introduced witha/an, the subjects referred to them less frequently and typically via full noun phrases. Thus, concepts introduced with the indefinitethis were more accessible; therefore, the indefinitethis appears to operate cataphorically to improve referential access.     

The development of complex sentence processing strategies

Children aged 3, 4, and 5 years and adults heard sentences with clauses connected by after, and, or before, saw a picture, and indicated whether or not the picture matched one of the events of the sentence. Response times were taken as a measure of immediate accessibility to the meaning of the clause that the picture was about. Temporal organization of sentence meanings was dominant in 3-year-olds and adults, but not in 4- or 5-year-olds. The 3-year-olds and especially the adults processed and-sentences as implicitly temporal. The results for 4- and 5-year-olds are interpreted as indicating experimentation with alternate strategies for organizing sentences based on the structural/presuppositional properties of clauses.     

Immediate memory for words from main and subordinate clauses at different age levels

A probe-latency task was used to assess accessibility to the words from the first and second clauses of four types of sentences. The sentences contained either independent clauses or main and subordinate clauses. The subjects were 3-, 4-, and 5-year-old children, and adults. On sentences with no main-subordinate distinction, word recognition latencies were shorter for second clauses for all groups except 4-year-olds. On sentences with main and subordinate clauses systematically varied over position in the sentence, however, latencies were most often shorter for subordinate clauses, even when they occurred at the beginning of the sentence. The results indicate that a clause is not simply represented in abstract form rather than verbatim form once the complete clause has been heard, but instead the structural role of the clause, as well as other factors, influences accessibility to verbatim form. It is proposed that listeners frequently interpret an asserted main clause more readily than a subordinate clause. This comprehension strategy appears in different forms at different stages of development.This research was supported in part by NIMH Fellowship No. 1 FO2MH 57352-01 and in part by a Montclair State College Faculty Research Grant to the first author.     

Planning units and syntax in sentence production

The study was conducted to determine, first, whether it is the deep or the surface clause that is more important as a speech planning unit, and second, whether syntactic decisions are made during sentence production. Subjects, while talking, heard tones to which they had to respond by pressing a button; reaction times to these tones were taken as an index of processing load during production. It was found that there were increased RTs at the ends compared with the beginnings of deep structure clauses. No difference was found between RTs at the beginnings and ends of surface clauses not corresponding to a deep clause. The results were interpreted as showing that deep clauses are major planning units and that some planning for clauses occurs at the end of the preceding clause. Differences were found between RTs during clauses of different syntactic structure. These results were interpreted as indicating that syntax influences production and were discussed in relation to previous studies of pausing and speech disruption.     

Discourse structure and relative clause processing

Studies in several languages have shown that subject-relative clauses are easier to process than object-relative clauses. Mak, Vonk, and Schriefers (2006) have proposed the topichood hypothesis to account for the preference for subject-relative clauses. This hypothesis claims that the entity in the relative clause that is most topicworthy will be chosen as the subject. By default, the antecedent of the relative clause will be chosen as the subject of the relative clause, because it is the topic of the relative clause. However, when the noun phrase (NP) in the relative clause is also topicworthy, the preference for the antecedent to be the subject will disappear. This was confirmed in two experiments. In Experiment 1, we tested relative clauses with a personal pronoun in the relative clause. We obtained a preference for object-relative clauses, in line with the assumption that personal pronouns refer to a discourse topic and are thus topicworthy. In Experiment 2, the discourse status of the NP in the relative clause was manipulated; either it was not present in the preceding context, or it was the discourse topic. The experiment showed that when the NP in the relative clause refers to the discourse topic, the difficulty of object-relative clauses is reduced, in comparison with relative clauses with an NP that is new in the discourse, even in the absence of any explicit cue in the relative clause itself. The experiments show that discourse factors guide processing at the sentence level.     

先述参与者的优势及句子不同成分的可提取性

考察了复合句中先述参与者在可提取性上的优势及句子连贯性因素对这种优势现象的影响。同时,采用系列一同时呈现的方式,考察了句子不同成分的可提取性。     

Examining the Relationship Between Text Processing and Text Comprehension in Fourth Grade Readers

This research investigates the relationship among various processing behaviors and their link to comprehension. Thirty-four students from three fourth-grade classrooms orally read the first chapter of a short story. The reading was followed by an unaided recall and probes by the researcher. Each clause as finally read was evaluated for semantics (acceptable/unacceptable) and maintenance of author's meaning (yes/no). Finally, words read per minute and number of total, corrected, and uncorrected miscues was calculated. The impact of miscues on retelling performance on the clause and story event level was evaluated using nonparametric, parametric, and multivariate analyses. On the clause level, findings indicate that a similar proportion of clauses were recalled irrespective of whether the clause had been read with no miscues, corrected miscues, or uncorrected miscues. There was a significant difference, however, in the proportion of recalled clauses depending on miscue type. Uncorrected semantically unacceptable/meaning disrupting clauses were less likely to be recalled, whereas clauses containing uncorrected miscues that did not change meaning were more likely to be recalled than clauses read with no miscues. On the story level, strong retellings were associated with fewer meaning changing and meaning disrupting miscues and with more corrected miscues and reading speed. Total number of miscues, miscues that did not change meaning, and reading grade level were not significantly associated with strong story retellings. These findings suggest that the concept of accuracy may not be as significant as miscue meaningfulness and that speed is best understood as part of a matrix of behaviors associated with strong comprehension.     

BOLD response to semantic and syntactic processing during hypoglycemia is load-dependent

This study investigates how syntactic and semantic load factors impact sentence comprehension and BOLD signal under moderate hypoglycemia. A dual session, whole brain fMRI study was conducted on 16 healthy participants using the glucose clamp technique. In one session, they experienced insulin-induced hypoglycemia (plasma glucose at ∼50 mg/dL); in the other, plasma glucose was maintained at euglycemic levels (∼100 mg/dL). During scans subjects were presented with sentences of contrasting syntactic (embedding vs. conjunction) and semantic (reversibility vs. irreversibility) load. Semantic factors dominated the overall load effects on both performance (p < 0.001) and BOLD response (p < 0.01, corrected). Differential BOLD signal was observed in frontal, temporal, temporo-parietal and medio-temporal regions. Hypoglycemia and syntactic factors significantly impacted performance (p = 0.002) and BOLD response (p < 0.01, corrected) in the reversible clause conditions, more extensively in reversible-embedded than in reversible-conjoined clauses. Hypoglycemia resulted in a robust decrease in performance on reversible clauses and exerted attenuating effects on BOLD unselectively across cortical circuits.The dominance of reversibility in all measures underscores the distinction between the syntactic and semantic contrasts. The syntactic is based in a quantitative difference in algorithms interpreting embedded and conjoined structures. We suggest that the semantic is based in a qualitative difference between algorithmic mapping of arguments in reversible clauses and heuristic linking in irreversible clauses. Because heuristics drastically reduce resource demand, the operations they support would resist the load-dependent cognitive consequences of hypoglycemia.     

Defining answer classes using resolution refutation

Resolution theorem proving provides a useful paradigm for the exploration of question answering. A partition of the clauses generated during resolution refutation based on their syntactic structure is presented. The three classes comprising this partition correspond to semantically intuitive types of answers. This work encompasses and expands upon previous work on question answering in a theorem proving paradigm, which began with the association of answers with proofs. A complete, formal definition of what is meant by answer in the context of resolution theorem proving is presented. In this context, clauses that are relevant are all identified as answers, where relevance is determined with respect to a question and knowledge base: any clause descended from the clause form of a negated question is deemed relevant. This definition of relevance is not in and of itself novel; rather, it is the way in which the set of relevant clauses is partitioned that provides the key to interpreting clauses as answers. The three answer classes identified are: specific, generic, and hypothetical. These classes are formally distinguished by the way in which literals in a clause share variables, with class membership based on a property termed the closure of variable sharing of a literal. The results presented provide a foundation for further work by establishing a context-independent logical pragmatics of question answering.     

Temporal references and temporal relations in sentence comprehension

The author investigated the interpretation of temporal references during comprehension of sentences containing a main and subordinate clause. Experiments 1 and 2 examined state and event subordinate clauses, respectively, and showed that subordinate temporal references overlapping with or close to the time of the main clause event were read faster than nonoverlapping distant references. Experiment 3 examined temporal references in nonsubordinate main clauses and confirmed that temporal relations between main and subordinate clauses were established on-line in the previous experiments. Experiment 4 independently manipulated temporal overlap and distance and suggested that event and state clauses are processed according to distinct temporal parameters. The results are explained by the contingency relations that events and states establish with other discourse events.     

Syntactic structure modifies attention during speech perception and recognition

The present paper demonstrates the interaction of syntactic structure and speech perception with a response task which minimizes the effects of memory: reaction time (RT) to clicks during sentences. (1) In 12-word unfamiliar sentences each with two clauses, RT is relatively slow overall to clicks located at the end of the first clause but decreases as a function of clause length. Clicks at the beginning of the second clause are not affected by length of the preceding clause. (2) In familiar sentences, RT is relatively fast to clicks located at the end of a clause while RT to clicks at the beginning of clauses is relatively unaffected by familiarity. (3) RT is not fastest overall to clicks located between clauses either in novel or familiar sentences. (4) As in previous studies, the subject's subsequent judegment of the location of the click tone are towards the clause break. (5) We could find no systematic interaction between RT and subjective click location. Findings (1) to (3) are consistent with the view that perceptual processing alternates between attending to all external stimuli and developing an internal representation of the stimuli. Finding (3) is in conflict with an “information channel” view of immediate attention to speech, which would predict high sensory attention to non-speech stimuli between clauses. However, findings (4) and (5) indicate that the channel view of perception may be correct for that perceptual processing which occurs after the immediate organization of the speech stimulus into major segments.     

An eye movement analysis of “mental rotation” of simple scenes

Participants saw a standard scene of three objects on a desktop and then judged whether a comparison scene was either thesame, except for the viewpoint of the scene, ordifferent, when one or more of the objects either exchanged places or were rotated around their center. As in Nakatani, Pollatsek, and Johnson (2002), judgment times were longer when the rotation angles of the comparison scene increased, and the size of the rotation effect varied for different axes and was larger forsame judgments than fordifferent judgments. A second experiment, which included trials without the desktop, indicated that removing the desktop frame of reference mainly affected they-axis rotation conditions (the axis going vertically through the desktop plane). In addition, eye movement analyses indicated that the process was far more than a simple analogue rotation of the standard scene. The total response latency was divided into three components: theinitial eye movement latency, the first-pass time, and thesecond-pass time. The only indication of arotation effect in the time to execute the first two components was forz-axis (plane of sight) rotations. Thus, forx- andy-axis rotations, rotation effects occurred only in the probability of there being a second pass and the time to execute it. The data are inconsistent either with an initial rotation of the memory representation of the standard scene to the orientation of the comparison scene or with a holistic alignment of the comparison scene prior to comparing it with the memory representation of the standard scene. Indeed, the eye movement analysis suggests that little of the increased response time for rotated comparison scenes is due to something like a time-consuming analogue process but is, instead, due to more comparisons on individual objects being made (possibly moredouble checking).     

Selective Retention of Information about the Superficial Form of Text: Ellipses W ith Antecedents in Main and Subordinate Clauses

Elliptical verb phrases must be interpreted indirectly, using a representation of the surface form of nearby (usually preceding) text. We used this fact to demonstrate the different availability of superficial representations of the two clauses in main-subordinate pairs. The acceptability of a later ellipsis was reduced when it took its meaning from a main clause that was followed by a subordinate clause, as compared with other combinations. In addition, positive acceptability judgements were made more quickly (1) when the antecedent clause was subordinate, rather than main, suggesting that the superficial form of a subordinate clause is more important, and (2) when the antecedent was in the immediately preceding clause, rather than two clauses back. These results support the idea that the surface form of subordinate clauses is selectively retained until the corresponding main clause has been read, but the surface form of a main clause is not retained after it has been interpreted.     

A note on temporal relations between language and gestures

The initiation of the spontaneous gestures of Wernicke's aphasics was analyzed in relation to shifts in semantic content between the syntactic boundaries of main clauses and embedded clauses. Gestures proved more likely to arise at the initial boundaries of embedded clauses when these were semantically discontinuous with the main clause than when these were semantically related to the main clause. Spontaneous gestures may signal underlying shifts in semantic intention, thereby reflecting the difficulties encountered by Wernicke's aphasics in maintaining a coherent stream of thought across syntactic boundaries.     

Evidence that thesame-different disparity in letter matching is not attributable to response bias

When pairs of letters or letter strings are judged assame ordifferent, correctsame responses are usually faster than correctdifferent responses. Recently, Ratcliff and Hacker (1981, 1982) have argued that thissame-different disparity is likely attributable solely to a bias to respondsame. The present article reports an experiment in which the relative bias to respondsame ordifferent was varied for matches of single-letter pairs. Bias was manipulated by having 80, 60, 40, or 20 pairs in a block of 100 besame, with the remainder beingdifferent. For both sequential and simultaneous presentation of the letters,same reaction times had an overall advantage overdifferent reaction times that could not be attributed to response bias. Moreover, consistent with Proctor’s (1981) facilitation principle, this reaction time disparity was greater with sequential presentation than with simultaneous presentation. The larger reaction time advantage forsame pairs with sequential presentation was obtained without an increase in the relative number of false-same responses, supporting the view that the facilitation is attributable to changes in sensitivity and not to changes in encoding criteria.     

Disambiguating Information and Memory Resources in Children’s Processing of Italian Relative Clauses

We investigated the role of number agreement on verb and of animacy in the comprehension of subject and object relative clauses in 51 monolingual Italian-speaking children, mean age 9:33, tested through a self-paced listening experiment with a final comprehension question. A digit span test and a listening span test were also administered to examine the role of memory in comprehension. Subject relative clauses were easier to comprehend than object relative clauses; animacy of the relative clause head improved comprehension of object relative clauses; memory, as measured by the digit span test, modulates comprehension of object relative clauses, both with animate and inanimate heads, as shown in response accuracy. Although all children process number agreement morphology on the verb, only some perform a correct reanalysis, as shown by the accuracy measures. We argue that number agreement disambiguation is particularly taxing for children, as it provides a negative symptom in the sense of Fodor and Inoue (J Psycholinguist Res 29(1):25–36, 2000) and reanalysis requires them to hold two dependencies in memory.     

The interaction of perceptual processes and ambiguous sentences

General principles of speech perception resolve several experimental conflicts about whether listeners interpret one or all meanings of an ambiguous sentence We argue that during all ambiguous clause, both meanings are processed, but immediately after the clause over, it recoded with only one meaning retained This model resolves the apparently conflicting results of previous experimental, it also predicts that underlying structure ambiguity m incomplete clauses increases Comprehension time In complete clauses, ambiguity does not increase relative comprehension time; it mayreduce comprehension time for ambiguities whose interpretations are perceptually distinct in those tasks where either meaning is appropriate Two new experiments offer preliminary confirmation of these predictions     

An on-line assessment of causal reasoning during comprehension

Fletcher and Bloom (1988) have argued that as readers read narratives, clause by clause, they repeatedly focus their attention on the last preceding clause that contains antecedents but no consequences in the text. This strategy allows them to discover a causal path linking the text's opening to its final outcome while minimizing the number of times long-term memory must be searched for missing antecedents or consequences. In order to test this hypothesis, we examined the reading times of 25 subjects for each clause of eight simple narrative texts. The results show that: (1) causal links between clauses that co-occur in short-term memory (as predicted by the strategy) increase the time required to read the second clause; (2) potential causal links between clauses that never co-occur in short-term memory (again as predicted by the strategy) have no effect on reading time; and (3) reinstatement searches are initiated at the end of sentences that are causally unrelated to the contents of short-term memory or that contain clauses that satisfy goals no longer in short-term memory. These results support the claim that subjects engage in a form of causal reasoning when they read simple narrative texts.     

Effects of Local and Global Context on Processing Sentences with Subject and Object Relative Clauses

An eye tracking study investigated the effects of local and global discourse context on the processing of subject and object relative clauses, whereby the contexts favored either a subject relative clause interpretation or an object relative clause interpretation. The fixation data replicated previous studies showing that object relative clause sentences were more difficult to process than subject relative sentences. Crucially, however, the reading difficulty asymmetry between subject and object relative clause sentences disappeared when the sentences were presented with a local or a global discourse context that favored the objects in the object relative clauses. These findings demonstrate that the evidence for a syntax-based account of sentence processing is found when sentences are presented in isolation. However, if sentences are placed more naturally, in context, discourse factors outweigh the initial structural assignment.