Recognition by association: Within‐ and cross‐modality associative priming with faces and voices

Recent literature has raised the suggestion that voice recognition runs in parallel to face recognition. As a result, a prediction can be made that voices should prime faces and faces should prime voices. A traditional associative priming paradigm was used in two studies to explore within‐modality priming and cross‐modality priming. In the within‐modality condition where both prime and target were faces, analysis indicated the expected associative priming effect: The familiarity decision to the second target celebrity was made more quickly if preceded by a semantically related prime celebrity, than if preceded by an unrelated prime celebrity. In the cross‐modality condition, where a voice prime preceded a face target, analysis indicated no associative priming when a 3‐s stimulus onset asynchrony (SOA) was used. However, when a relatively longer SOA was used, providing time for robust recognition of the prime, significant cross‐modality priming emerged. These data are explored within the context of a unified account of face and voice recognition, which recognizes weaker voice processing than face processing.     

Stereotypes and recognition memory for faces and voices of good guys and bad guys

This study tested first whether 240 undergraduate students share high consensual agreement in their selection of faces and voices which fit criminal and non-criminal ‘occupations’ second, whether there are significant relationships between trait impressions and voice characteristics for persons selected as exemplars of criminals and non-criminals; and third, whether categorization of targets into ‘good guys’ and ‘bad guys’ influences recognition memory. Subjects' selections of exemplars of criminals and non-criminals from video recordings of the face and voice, or face-only, or voice-only of 15 white men were done with high confidence in a significantly non-random manner. Significant correlations were found between trait impressions and vocal characteristics in all three presentation modes which differentiated good guys from bad guys. Recognition memory for target voices was significantly inferior to the recognition of face and voice targets, and face-only targets. Recognition confidence scores were significantly higher for good guys over bad guys, especially in the voice-only condition. The results were discussed in terms of the probability that stereotyping of faces and voices can influence decision-making in the legal process.     

Interference in eyewitness and earwitness recognition

Face identification and voice identification were examined using a standard old/new recognition task in order to see whether seeing and hearing the target interfered with subsequent recognition. Participants studied either visual or audiovisual stimuli prior to a face recognition test, and studied either audio or audiovisual stimuli prior to a voice recognition test. Analysis of recognition performance revealed a greater ability to recognise faces than voices. More importantly, faces accompanying voices at study interfered with subsequent voice identification but voices accompanying faces at study did not interfere with subsequent face identification. These results are similar to those obtained in previous research using a lineup methodology, and are discussed with respect to the interference that can result when earwitnesses are also eyewitnesses. Copyright © 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Earwitness memory: distortions for voice pitch and speaking rate

In two experiments, memory distortions for voice pitch and speaking rate were examined. In both experiments, a significant distortion effect for voice pitch was observed, with listeners biased towards selecting voices lower in pitch than low‐pitch targets and selecting voices higher in pitch than high‐pitch targets. In contrast, for speaking rate there was little evidence for the production of memory distortions. The results are discussed in terms of transient surface properties of speech and how transience may be a factor in producing distortions. The results have implications for how errors arise during earwitness testimony for a suspect's voice. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

我听故我在？自我声音识别机制的探索

自我声音是自我相关信息之一,同时也是个体识别身份时最重要的标志之一。声音具有骨传导和空气传导的传导方式和个体动机水平的差异都影响个体自我声音识别。在进行自我声音识别认知加工的过程中,会激活右半球额叶大部分脑区,并且在P3和N2成分上与在非我身份声音识别中同样存在显著差异。从声音刺激和个体动机两种角度来开展自我声音识别研究,并结合进化心理学与脑成像技术探索其神经机制,宜成为未来研究的一个方向。     

Illusory recollection of voices

We investigated source misattributions in the DRM false memory paradigm (Deese, 1959, Roediger & McDermott, 1995). Subjects studied words in one of two voices, manipulated between‐lists (pure‐voice lists) or within‐list (mixed‐voice lists), and were subsequently given a recognition test with voice‐attribution judgements. Experiments 1 and 2 used visual tests. With pure‐voice lists (Experiment 1), subjects frequently attributed related lures to the corresponding study voice, despite having the option to not respond. Further, these erroneous attributions remained high with mixed‐voice lists (Experiment 2). Thus, even when their related lists were not associated with a particular voice, subjects misattributed the lures to one of the voices. Attributions for studied items were fairly accurate in both cases. Experiments 3 and 4 used auditory tests. With pure‐voice lists (Experiment 3), subjects frequently attributed related lures and studied items to the corresponding study voice, regardless of the test voice. In contrast, with mixed‐voice lists (Experiment 4), subjects frequently attributed related lures and studied items to the corresponding test voice, regardless of the study voice. These findings indicate that source attributions can be sensitive to voice information provided either at study or at test, even though this information is irrelevant for related lures.     

Auditory Long term Memory: Repetition Priming of Voice Recognition

Two experiments examined repetition priming in the recognition of famous voices. In Experiment 1, reaction times for fame decisions to famous voice samples were shorter than in an unprimed condition, when voices were primed by a different voice sample of the same person having been presented in an earlier phase of the experiment. No effect of voice repetition was observed for non-famous voices. In Experiment 2, it was investigated whether this priming effect is voice-specific or whether it is related to post-perceptual processes in person recognition. Recognizing a famous voice was again primed by having earlier heard a different voice sample of that person. Although an earlier exposure to that person's name did not cause any priming, there was some indication of priming following an earlier exposure to that person's face. Finally, earlier exposure to the identical voice sample (as compared to a different voice sample from the same person) caused a considerable bias towards responding 'famous'-i.e. performance benefits for famous but costs for nonfamous voices. The findings suggestthat (1) repetition priming invoice recognition primarily involves the activation of perceptual representations of voices, and (2) it is important to determine the conditions in which priming causes bias effects that need to be disentangled from performance benefits.     

Recalling semantic information about personally known faces and voices

Previous research that investigated whether biographical information about familiar people is harder to retrieve from voices than from faces produced contrasting results. However, studies that used a strict control of the content of spoken extracts reported that semantic information about familiar people is easier to retrieve when recognising a face than when recognising a voice. In all previous studies faces and voices of famous people were used as stimuli. In the present study, personally familiar people's voices and faces (standard faces and blurred faces) were used. Presenting such people (i.e., participants’ teachers) allowed controlling still more strictly the content of the spoken extracts since it was possible to ask all the target persons to speak the same words. In addition, it was previously stressed that we encounter famous people's faces in the media more frequently than we hear their voice. This methodological difficulty was presumably reduced when teachers’ faces were presented. Present results showed a significant decrease in retrieval of biographical information from familiar voices relative to blurred faces even though the level of overall recognition was similar for blurred faces and voices. The role of the relative distinctiveness of voices and faces is discussed and further investigation is proposed.     

Why are familiar-only experiences more frequent for voices than for faces?

Hanley,Smith, and Hadfield (1998) showed that when participants were asked to recognize famous people from hearing their voice , there was a relatively large number of trials in which the celebrity's voice was felt to be familiar but biographical information about the person could not be retrieved. When a face was found familiar, however, the celebrity's occupation was significantly more likely to be recalled. This finding is consistent with the view that it is much more difficult to associate biographical information with voices than with faces. Nevertheless, recognition level was much lower for voices than for faces in Hanleyet al.'s study,and participants made significantly more false alarms in the voice condition. In the present study, recognition performance in the face condition was brought down to the same level as recognition in the voice condition by presenting the faces out of focus. Under these circumstances, it proved just as difficult to recall the occupations of faces found familiar as it was to recall the occupations of voices found familiar. In other words, there was an equally large number of familiar-only responses when faces were presented out of focus as in the voice condition. It is argued that these results provide no support for the view that it is relatively difficult to associate biographical information with a person's voice. It is suggested instead that associative connections between processing units at different levels in the voice-processing system are much weaker than is the case with the corresponding units in the face-processing system. This will reduce the recall of occupations from voices even when the voice has been found familiar. A simulation was performed using the latest version of the IAC model of person recognition (Burton, Bruce, & Hancock, 1999) which demonstrated that the model can readily accommodate the pattern of results obtained in this study.     

Earwitnesses: effects of accent,retention and telephone

An experiment was conducted to investigate the effects of accent, telephone and a relatively long retention interval (3 or 8 weeks) on speaker identification. Three‐hundred and sixty participants heard the target's voice and were asked to identify the target by means of a line‐up consisting of 6 voices. Half of the participants were given a target‐present line‐up and the other half a target‐absent line‐up. The results showed that 24% of participants correctly identified the target in the target‐present condition (hits), whereas 50% of participants incorrectly identified a person as the target in the target‐absent condition (false alarms). The speaker with the standard‐accented voice was more often correctly recognized than the speaker with the non‐standard‐accented voice. No difference was found between identification accuracy after one, three or eight weeks and between the telephone and non‐telephone conditions. It can be concluded that there is a relatively high probability that an innocent defendant is identified as the perpetrator, even in a procedurally correct voice line‐up (in this experiment 8%). Furthermore, reliability may be drastically reduced when the perpetrator has a strong accent, unfamiliar to the listener. On the other hand, reliability of a voice line‐up seems not to be affected by a presentation over the telephone, as well as by a retention interval of at least 8 weeks. Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Neural processing of vocal emotion and identity

The voice is a marker of a person's identity which allows individual recognition even if the person is not in sight. Listening to a voice also affords inferences about the speaker's emotional state. Both these types of personal information are encoded in characteristic acoustic feature patterns analyzed within the auditory cortex. In the present study 16 volunteers listened to pairs of non-verbal voice stimuli with happy or sad valence in two different task conditions while event-related brain potentials (ERPs) were recorded. In an emotion matching task, participants indicated whether the expressed emotion of a target voice was congruent or incongruent with that of a (preceding) prime voice. In an identity matching task, participants indicated whether or not the prime and target voice belonged to the same person. Effects based on emotion expressed occurred earlier than those based on voice identity. Specifically, P2 (approximately 200 ms)-amplitudes were reduced for happy voices when primed by happy voices. Identity match effects, by contrast, did not start until around 300 ms. These results show an early task-specific emotion-based influence on the early stages of auditory sensory processing.     

Sex differences and individual consistency in voice identification

Results were combined from 5 experiments by Cook in 1998 with 728 participants who listened to one male voice and one female voice each saying a sentence, then attempted to recognise the voices from line-ups of six voices presented a week later. While 352 male listeners did not differ significantly in recognising female and male voices (38% correct vs 41%), 376 female listeners were significantly more likely to recognise female than male voices (51% vs 43% correct). There was no evidence for individual differences in voice recognition in that listeners who recognised the male voice were no more likely to recognise the female voice than those who failed to recognise the male voice.     

Prospective remembering in younger and older adults: Role of the prospective cue

In these studies, adult age differences in event-based prospective memory were examined using an adapted version of G.O. Einstein and M.A. McDaniel's (1990) task. In Experiments 13, we varied prospective cue specificity by assigning a specific target word or an unspecified word drawn from a given taxonomic category. In Experiment 3, we manipulated cue typicality by presenting low or high typicality target words. Results yielded positive effects of cue specificity on prospective performance. Age effects occurred when high typicality target words served as prospective cues (Exps. 1 and 3), but younger and older adults performed comparably with moderate and low typicality words (Exps. 2 and 3). Hierarchical regression analyses indicated that age accounted for a small but significant amount of variance in prospective memory, although the contribution of age was substantially reduced after statistically controlling for recognition memory. Implications of these data for current views on prospective remembering are discussed.     

The role of audiovisual asynchrony in person recognition

Audiovisual integration (AVI) has been demonstrated to play a major role in speech comprehension. Previous research suggests that AVI in speech comprehension tolerates a temporal window of audiovisual asynchrony. However, few studies have employed audiovisual presentation to investigate AVI in person recognition. Here, participants completed an audiovisual voice familiarity task in which the synchrony of the auditory and visual stimuli was manipulated, and in which visual speaker identity could be corresponding or noncorresponding to the voice. Recognition of personally familiar voices systematically improved when corresponding visual speakers were presented near synchrony or with slight auditory lag. Moreover, when faces of different familiarity were presented with a voice, recognition accuracy suffered at near synchrony to slight auditory lag only. These results provide the first evidence for a temporal window for AVI in person recognition between approximately 100 ms auditory lead and 300 ms auditory lag.     

Recalling episodic and semantic information about famous faces and voices

In this study, we used the distinction between remember and know (R/K) recognition responses to investigate the retrieval of episodic information during familiar face and voice recognition. The results showed that familiar faces presented in standard format were recognized with R responses on approximately 50% of the trials. The corresponding figure for voices was less than 20%. Even when overall levels of recognition were matched between faces and voices by blurring the faces, significantly more R responses were observed for faces than for voices. Voices were significantly more likely to be recognized with K responses than were blurred faces. These findings indicate that episodic information was recalled more often from familiar faces than from familiar voices. The results also showed that episodic information about a familiar person was never recalled unless some semantic information, such as the person's occupation, was also retrieved.     

A sound effect: Exploration of the distinctiveness advantage in voice recognition

Two experiments are presented, which explore the presence of a distinctiveness advantage when recognising unfamiliar voices. In Experiment 1, distinctive voices were recognised significantly better, and with greater confidence, in a sequential same/different matching task compared with typical voices. These effects were replicated and extended in Experiment 2, as distinctive voices were recognised better even under challenging listening conditions imposed by nonsense sentences and temporal reversal. Taken together, the results aligned well with similar results when processing faces, and provided a useful point of comparison between voice and face processing.     

Prospective remembering in younger and older adults: role of the prospective cue

In these studies, adult age differences in event-based prospective memory were examined using an adapted version of G.O. Einstein and M.A. McDaniel's (1990) task. In Experiments 1-3, we varied prospective cue specificity by assigning a specific target word or an unspecified word drawn from a given taxonomic category. In Experiment 3, we manipulated cue typicality by presenting low or high typicality target words. Results yielded positive effects of cue specificity on prospective performance. Age effects occurred when high typicality target words served as prospective cues (Exps. 1 and 3), but younger and older adults performed comparably with moderate and low typicality words (Exps. 2 and 3). Hierarchical regression analyses indicated that age accounted for a small but significant amount of variance in prospective memory, although the contribution of age was substantially reduced after statistically controlling for recognition memory. Implications of these data for current views on prospective remembering are discussed.