云南民间道教传度奏职仪式研究

云南民间道教是早期巫教与五斗米道融合并呈现地域特色的一种区域道教,经历了一个动态发展的过程。"传度"是道教的一种入教仪式,"奏职"异同于"授箓",均为道士获得宗教神职的一种"教阶制"。云南族群的多样性和自然环境的独特性,以及社会历史条件,孕育了具有区域特色的民间道教,并形成了"传度·奏职"这一宗教的核心仪式。云南民间道教的"传度·奏职"仪式,深刻反映了不同的族群对一种宗教的自觉接收并转化运用的过程,说明了道教的民族性、包容性,彰显了民间道教在中华民族多元一体格局中的纽带作用。     

天师世家与道教

道教是在中国土生土长的宗教。它渊源于殷商时期的鬼神崇拜,继承了战国时期的方仙道、秦汉时期的黄老道。至汉顺帝时(公元126—144年),祖天师张道陵始创教,使道教初具规模。经历代道德羽士进一步充实和发展,流传至今,在国内外有着广泛的影响。一、天师世家与道教的关系世家本是指世族而言,但汉天师世家并不同于一般世家,而是一个道教世家。自祖天师立教,历代相承。至今,已传六十三代,历经一千八百余年。这也是道教正式出现组织形式至今的历史。是任何宗教所未有的。在中国漫长的历史上,也只有山东孔府和龙虎山天师两大族。明胡应麟《少宝山房笔丛》卷四十二《玉壶遐览》说:“汉第一代天师张道陵为玄教宗,     

略论宋理宗与道教

南宋社会环境的转变，使道教自身也出现了相应的变化。南宋理宗延续了之前的道教政策，并在某些方面有了新的发展。在宋理宗的支持下，天师道第三十五代天师张可大成为“三山符策”的统领。女冠吴知古事件引发士大夫的议论。在特殊的社会政治背景下，《太上感应篇》被宋理宗大力推广。以上事例表明，在理宗时期，南方道教内部整合、三教融合加剧；道教向世俗化方向又跃进了一步。 张悦，四川大学道教与宗教文化研究所2010级硕博连读生。     

道教对发展及经济生活的理解──在世界宗教与发展会议上的演讲

道教对发展及经济生活的理解———在世界宗教与发展会议上的演讲□本刊通讯员张继禹●道教是中国现行五大宗教之中唯一的本土宗教。道教自东汉张道陵天师正式创立教团以来,至今已有近两千年的悠久历史。道教的教理教义,承继了东方伟大哲圣老子的道家学说,蕴含着睿智的...     

灵宝斋渊源考辨

根据本文作者过去的研究,东晋末刘宋初出现的道教灵宝斋主要是以行道为核心的一种集体法会仪式,举行期间所有参与者须奉持类似于佛教戒律的系列戒条。灵宝斋是古灵宝经借鉴源出印度佛教布萨制度的汉传佛教斋法创立的,其中融摄了中国本土道教的天师道和方士仪式成份。王承文在其近著《汉晋道教仪式与古灵宝经研究》中提出了与笔者完全相反的观点。一方面,他竭力证明古灵宝经中的时节斋或灵宝斋源出中国本土宗教;另一方面,他认为汉传佛教的时节斋乃仿效中国本土宗教斋法而制立。本文从三个方面反驳王说,期望通过深入的讨论推进中古佛道关系的研究。     

论少数民族与道教

道教是我国土生土长、源远流长的宗教。它对中国人民的影响广泛深刻,从思想意识到生活习俗,无不有其痕迹。过去有一种传统说法,谓道教为汉族人民的宗教,直到现在这种看法尚有一定的影响;还有一种说法,谓天师遭肇起东方,与滨海区域有密切关系。但只要我们回溯历史,研究一下道教与少数民族的关系,就会发现这些说法是不符合实际的。     

以六个“强化”大力推进坚持我国宗教中国化走深走实

正历史上,江西在走我国宗教中国化道路上作出过有益探索。江西是道教文化的发源地之一,道教祖师张道陵在江西龙虎山炼丹,龙虎山成为道教正一道天师派"祖庭"。江西是禅宗文化的定型之地,禅宗五家七宗之中三家五宗源于江西,佛教中国化的典范"马祖建丛林、百丈立清规"发生在江西。     

嗣汉天师府学习《道门十规》纪实

2003年8月25日,上海社科院教授陈耀庭应嗣汉天师府主持张金涛的邀请,专程自千里之外来到天师府,向天师府全体道职员工讲授四十三代天师张宇初写的《道门十规》。陈耀庭教授以其渊博的学识、朴素的语言,深入浅出地介绍了张宇初天师撰写《道门十规》的历史背景和明初道教组织的基本状况以及张宇初作为掌管天下道教的领袖,对全国道教徒的殷切期望。接着,又逐章逐句地讲授了《道门十规》主要思想、基本内容以及在当代继续学习《道门十规》的深刻意义。通过这次学习,嗣汉天师府道职员工进一步增强了祖庭意识,精神风貌带来了明显的变化。———学…     

坚持道教中国化方向的着力点与作用线

正坚持中国化方向,正成为当今我国各宗教的共同议题和重要任务。龙虎山嗣汉天师府有块牌匾——"阐道布教",这是祖师对我们的殷切嘱托,在新时代阐释它,一个重要内容就是要坚持道教的中国化方向。坚持道教中国化方向的切实含义,不是说道教本土化,而依旧是说道教要与社会主义社会相适应,这样才能跟上当今中国的发展步伐。     

中国道教与和谐世界

宗教是民族文化的支柱,是形成民族的重要自然力。中国道教是中国土生土长的固有宗教,若从东汉汉安元年(142)祖天师张道陵感太上授以《正一盟威之道》及《太上三五都功》诸品经,正式创立道教算起,迄今已有1865年的历史。     

"Psychotherapy" versus "treatment"

Presents a comment on "Psychological treatments" by D. H. Barlow. Barlow proposed that we distinguish between the terms "treatment" and "psychotherapy." The author believes that not only is the distinction unnecessary, but that its implications could have negative consequences for the field of clinical psychology. It is the proposed distinguishing feature that treatments are "specifically tailored to the pathological process that is causing the impairment and distress" that is most problematic. Clinical psychology does not need a distinction that further exacerbates the split between researchers and practitioners.     

"Enmeshment" and "Fusion"

The paper examines two related concepts utilized by two different schools of family therapy. Any family seen to be "enmeshed" is also seen as "fused," and vice versa. The difference in the level of focus, on the "system containing the individuals" (structural) or the "individual in the system" (fusion), determines the difference in therapeutic approach of these two schools.     

"本体论"与"伦理学"--形而上学的两个向度

形而上学有两个密切相关的内在向度,就是本体论向度与伦理学向度.在哲学史上,哲学家们之所以在"追求形而上学"的同时,又总是"反形而上学",并非是人们的形上本性出了问题,而是因为人们总是将形而上学视为单纯的"一维性",总是用一个向度来取代或遮蔽另一个向度.而所谓的"后形而上学思想",也并不是消解了形而上学,而是指形而上学从"本体论向度"转向了"伦理学向度".     

“对的”与“好的”

什么是“对的”,和对它的证立,是道德哲学中具有争议性的核心问题,也是效用主义和道义论间的主要差异之所在。统合效用主义对于“好的就是对的”这个陈述有一套完整周延的说法。而道义论对这个问题的证立不够周延或没有足够的说服力。     

从"管制"到"平衡"--政府与公众理想关系模式的构建及其制度化

论文从行政民主的角度探讨政府与公众之间的理想关系模式及其制度化构建过程 ,将我国在改革之前的政府与公众模式概括为管制模式。论文指出 ,在制度变迁的过程中 ,这一模式日益受到挑战。而在新的制度环境下 ,我国政府与公众的关系模式应该是平衡模式。这一模式的制度化措施包括培育自主的市民社会 ,赋予公众以独立的活动空间 ;促进行政公开 ,建立一个开放负责的政府 ;推进行政法建设 ,抑制行政恣意     

PREFERRING "HOUSEWIVES" TO "FEMINISTS"

Four studies are described outlining the favorability of attitudes toward women. In Study 1, participants indicated their attitudes toward women and men and their construal of the term "women". The results revealed that women were evaluated more favorably than men, but that male right-wing authoritarians (RWAs) who construed women as referring primarily to feminists were least favorable in their attitudes. In Study 2, participants indicated their attitudes toward both "housewives" and "feminists". The results revealed that feminists were evaluated less favorably than housewives, and that the most negative attitudes toward feminists were expressed by authoritarian men. Study 3 revealed that high-RWA males held more negative symbolic beliefs concerning feminists (i.e., beliefs that feminists failed to promote participants'values) and that these beliefs accounted for variation in attitudes among high RWAs and much of the RWA-attitude relation. Finally, Study 4 revealed that high RWAs perceived greater value dissimilarity between them-selves and feminists. The implications of the findings for future research are discussed.     

"石狮"、"风水"与"吉祥"

谁都知道,在古老的中国,不管是衙门、宫殿、庙宇的门前,还是豪宅、大户人家的门口,人们都能看到摆着一对石狮。据说,这对石狮子在许多中国人的心目中,它不但是一种气派的象征,而且还是一种被人认为是好的“吉祥物”。如今,旧时的衙门没有了,但遗留下来的宫殿、庙宇的门前,其中有些石狮仍有保存。然而,想像不到的是,这号称“吉祥物”的石狮今天却开始“走”进某些党政机关的大门口,它们(石狮)在那里时时都在保护着这些政府要员“平平安安”、“吉祥如意”。这不仅使我联想起一些极端的报道,有些政府官员为升迁,请算命先生定位,用风水术为政府…     

"Us" and "Them":

Abstract: In the Aristotelian tradition, politics is a matter of public deliberation over questions of justice and injustice. The Bush administration's response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, has been uniformly hostile to this notion, and it has instead promoted a jingoistic politics of self‐assertion by an America largely identified with the executive branch of its government. This is doubly disturbing, as the executive branch has sought to free itself from international law, multinational commitments, and domestic judicial regulation, even as it has sought to validate itself by demonizing its enemies. This essay draws out the disturbing echoes here of Carl Schmitt's work of the 1920s, in particular of Schmitt's conception of the sovereign as the ungrounded ground of the law and the political as the site of mortal conflict between friend and enemy. The essay argues that Schmitt's position in the twenties, for all of its evident problems, is superior to that of Bush, Wolfowitz, and Ashcroft in at least two senses: Schmitt condemns the idea of waging war for profit and recognizes that such wars will often be disguised as moral crusades waged against the “inhuman”; and he acknowledges that claiming to fight a war for humanity denies one's enemies their humanity, leaving them open to torture and even extermination.