Weighing Outcomes by Time or Against Time? Evaluation Rules in Intertemporal Choice

Models of intertemporal choice draw on three evaluation rules, which we compare in the restricted domain of choices between smaller sooner and larger later monetary outcomes. The hyperbolic discounting model proposes an alternative‐based rule, in which options are evaluated separately. The interval discounting model proposes a hybrid rule, in which the outcomes are evaluated separately, but the delays to those outcomes are evaluated in comparison with one another. The tradeoff model proposes an attribute‐based rule, in which both outcomes and delays are evaluated in comparison with one another: People consider both the intervals between the outcomes and the compensations received or paid over those intervals. We compare highly general parametric functional forms of these models by means of a Bayesian analysis, a method of analysis not previously used in intertemporal choice. We find that the hyperbolic discounting model is outperformed by the interval discounting model, which, in turn, is outperformed by the tradeoff model. Our cognitive modeling is among the first to offer quantitative evidence against the conventional view that people make intertemporal choices by discounting the value of future outcomes, and in favor of the view that they directly compare options along the time and outcome attributes.     

Too tired to take offense: When depletion promotes forgiveness

Although self-regulatory depletion has a broad range of adverse consequences, recent research has established that it can yield prosocial outcomes under certain circumstances. The present experiment examined the interaction between depletion and offense severity on forgiveness of romantic offenses. Consistent with prior research, results revealed that depleted (vs. non-depleted) individuals were less forgiving of severe offenses. In a counterintuitive reversal, however, depleted (vs. non-depleted) individuals were more forgiving of mild offenses. This crossover interaction effect was mediated by perception of offense severity, suggesting that depleted individuals may be especially forgiving of mild offenses because they are simply too tired to take offense at their partner's bad behavior. These findings identify one important instance in which depletion can promote salutary relationship processes.     

How Many Feminists Does It Take To Make A Joke? Sexist Humor and What's Wrong With It

In this paper I am concerned with two questions: What is sexist humor? and what is wrong with it? To answer the first question, I briefly develop a theory of humor and then characterize sexist humor as humor in which sexist beliefs (attitudes/norms) are presupposed and are necessary to the fun. Concerning the second question, I criticize a common sort of argument that is supposed to explain why sexist humor is offensive: although the argument explains why sexist humor feels offensive, it does not place responsibility for the offense in the humorist or audience that enjoys sexist humor. I develop an alternate account of the offense in sexist humor that places responsibility for offense in precisely those quarters.     

The effects of essentialist thinking toward biosocial risk factors for criminality and types of offending on lay punishment support

This research uses experimental methods to gauge how different facets of essentialist thinking toward (1) types of offending and (2) biosocial risk factors for criminality predict lay punishment support. A randomized between-subjects experiment using contrastive vignettes was conducted with members of the general public (N = 897). Overall, as hypothesized, aspects of essentialist thinking, particularly informativeness, continuity, immutability, and discreteness, toward both biosocial risk factors and types of offending behavior generally predicted more severe punishments surrounding retribution, incapacitation, and deterrence. Yet, surprisingly, several of the same beliefs, specifically toward discreteness and informativeness, also predicted non-punitive sentiments toward restoration and decreased prison time in some contexts. This work demonstrates that essentialist thinking not only may affect how the public cognitively categorizes biosocial risk factors for criminality and types of offending, but also may have consequences for public support for the punishment of offenders with particular offense records or characteristics.     

Boundary effects of vague risk information on taxpayer decisions

In compliance decisions, the decision maker usually has only vague or ambiguous knowledge of the probability of being caught and the outcome (amount of penalty). An experiment is reported which extends work on effects of probability ambiguity by manipulating outcome ambiguity as well. When outcomes were limited to a bounded range and probabilities ranged between their natural boundaries [0, 1] in experimental tax decisions, symmetrical boundary effects were found in which vague estimates for both the probability and outcome dimensions caused vagueness aversion (and higher compliance) when the vague estimate was near the more favorable lower boundary of either dimension and vagueness seeking (and lower compliance) when the vague estimate was near the less favorable upper boundary. Probability and outcome vagueness effects were found to be independent of the vagueness of the other dimension, and vagueness effects were not systematically related to the level of the other dimension.The results suggest that a common cognitive process mediates the impact of vagueness on both dimensions. This may be a vagueness-adjustment process in which vague estimates are adjusted toward the middle of the bounded range, or a vagueness-preference process in which vague outcomes, and vague probabilities as well, are evaluated based on utility considerations, as though probability were a tangible commodity. For increasing compliance, the results suggest that risk information should be disseminated only when risks of punishment are relatively high. When risks are low, random enforcement techniques that enhance vagueness become more effective.     

Decisions about a crime: downward and upward counterfactuals

Deciding about people’s responsibility, intentions and need for punishment is particularly hard and it may be often associated with counterfactual thinking, which refers to the creation of mental alternatives to actual events. Ninety-three participants were asked to generate downward or upward counterfactuals regarding a given criminal event and, then, to give judgments about defendant’s predictability, responsibility, intentionality and punishment. Results showed that downward counterfactuals had led people to judge the event less intentional, the defendant less responsible and, therefore, to give him a less severe punishment (vice versa for upward). The relationship between counterfactuals and intentionality judgments was partially mediated by the perceived defendant’s predictability of the negative outcomes. Finally, downward counterfactuals were linked to a greater focus on the context (external factors), whereas upward counterfactuals on the defendant/victim’s behaviours (internal factors). Findings were discussed considering both theoretical decision-making models and applications on the judicial field.     

The role of surprise in the attribution process

Abstract

We report five studies which compared two theories linking surprise to causal attribution. According to the attributional model, surprise is frequently caused by luck attributions, whereas according to the expectancy-disconfirmation model, surprise is caused by expectancy disconfirmation and stimulates causal thinking. Studies 1 to 3 focused on the question of whether surprise is caused by luck attributions or by unexpectedness. In Studies 1 and 2, subjects had to recall success or failure experiences characterised by a particular attribution (Study 1) or by low versus high surprisingness (Study 2), whereas in Study 3, unexpectedness and luck versus skill attributions were independently manipulated within a realistic setting. The main dependent variables were unexpectedness (Studies 1 and 2), degree of surprise (Studies 1 and 3), and causal attributions (Study 2). The results strongly suggest that surprise is caused by expectancy disconfirmation, whereas luck attributions are neither sufficient nor necessary for surprise. Studies 4 and 5 addressed the question of whether surprise stimulates attributional thinking, again using a remembered-incidents technique. The findings of the previous studies were replicated, and it was confirmed that surprising outcomes elicit more attributional search than unsurprising ones. Additional results from Study 5 suggest that causal thinking is also stimulated by outcomes that are both negative and important.     

Taking Blame for Other People's Misconduct

Taking blame for another person's misconduct may occur at relatively high rates for less serious crimes. The authors examined individual differences and situational factors related to this phenomenon by surveying college students (n = 213) and men enrolled in substance abuse treatment programs (n = 42). Among college students, conscientiousness and delinquency predicted their likelihood of being in a situation in which it was possible to take the blame for another person's misconduct. Situational factors, including the relationship with the perpetrator, the seriousness of the offense, feelings of responsibility for the offense, and differential consequences between the offender and the blame taker, were associated with college students’ decisions to take the blame. Among substance abuse treatment participants, individuals who took the blame for another person's misconduct were more extraverted, reported feeling more loyalty toward the true perpetrator, and indicated more incentives to take the blame than individuals who did not take the blame. Links between theories of helping behavior and situational factors that predict blame taking are discussed. Copyright © 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Outcomes and intentions in children’s,adolescents’, and adults’ second- and third-party punishment behavior

Theories of morality maintain that punishment supports the emergence and maintenance of moral behavior. This study investigated developmental differences in the role of outcomes and the violator’s intentions in second-party punishment (where punishers are victims of a violation) and third-party punishment (where punishers are unaffected observers of a violation). Four hundred and forty-three adults and 8-, 12-, and 15-year-olds made choices in mini-ultimatum games and newly-developed mini-third-party punishment games, which involved actual incentives rather than hypothetical decisions. Adults integrated outcomes and intentions in their second- and third-party punishment, whereas 8-year-olds consistently based their punishment on the outcome of the violation. Adolescents integrated outcomes and intentions in second- but not third-party punishment.     

Marshaling administrative data to study the prevalence of mental illness in assault on law enforcement cases

A substantial body of literature has investigated many issues surrounding police encounters with persons with mental illness. This paper focuses on a specific type of encounter – individuals with mental illness charged with assaulting officers because of their behavior during a psychiatric crisis – and uses administrative data to examine its prevalence in one state. Results suggest that individuals with mental health histories comprise a small but meaningful percentage (c. 9%) of assault on law enforcement charges, and c. 10% of these charges have an offense date within 14 days of an emergency mental health custody order, increasing the likelihood that psychiatric symptoms influenced their behavior at the time of the offense. Further results describe different categories of relevant charges, charge classifications, final dispositions, and sentences. Results are discussed in the context of outcomes for persons with mental illness and law enforcement as well as the role and limitations of forensic mental health assessment in these cases. The paper concludes with a call for similar data collection across jurisdictions.     

Dissonance and the honor system: extending the severity of threat phenomenon

In this field experiment, the authors extended the severe threat of punishment paradigm to the honor system. Participants (N = 80) came from two small colleges that differ in the severity of threats of punishment for honor code violations. The authors placed participants in situations in which they came upon money that did not belong to them, in both public and private settings. Using the framework of insufficient justification, the authors hypothesized that participants from the military school, who face a severe threat of punishment for honor code violations, would be less likely to pick up the money in the public setting than in the private setting. The authors predicted that, in contrast, at the nonmilitary college, where students face only a mild threat of punishment for honor code violations, there would be no difference in how participants behaved across the two settings. The results supported both hypotheses. The authors discuss the implications of their findings for understanding and improving the nature of the punishment structure for honor systems.     

Resistance and outcome expectations in cognitive‐behavioural therapy for generalised anxiety disorder

Greater client resistance has been consistently found to be negatively associated with outcome in psychotherapy. However, the pathways through which resistance impacts such outcomes are underexplored. Given that client outcome expectation (OE) has been identified as an important common factor in psychotherapy, the goals of the present study were to examine: (a) the impact of resistance on subsequent client and therapist OE (COE & TOE, respectively); and (b) whether COE and/or TOE mediate the relationship between resistance and outcome. These relationships were tested among 44 clients with severe generalised anxiety disorder treated with cognitive‐behavioural therapy in the context of a randomised controlled trial (Westra, Constantino, & Antony, 2016). Resistance was measured at a mid‐treatment session, and COE and TOE were assessed at baseline and immediately after the resistance session. Treatment outcome was measured via client‐rated worry severity at post‐treatment. As predicted, higher resistance was associated with lower subsequent COE and TOE; B = ?.73, p < .001 and B = ?.46, p < .001, respectively. In turn, lower post‐resistance COE predicted higher post‐treatment worry (B = ?.5, p < .001), indicating mediation. In contrast, TOE did not mediate the relationship between resistance and outcome (B = ?.02, p = .876). These results suggest that resistance can be demoralising to both clients and therapists. However, only lower client morale may be detrimental to therapy outcome. This study contributes to understanding outcome pathways through two common therapy processes.     

Jesus in Hollywood The Cinematic Jesus in a Christological and Contemporary Perspective

This article discusses what early Christian literary sources (Didascalia, the Apostolic Constitutions and Canons and John Chrysostom) say about the upbringing of children. It centres around three aspects:(1) the responsibility of parents to rear children in accordance with Christian ideals, including the responsibility to carry out the upbringing in daily life, (2) its goal and (3) its substance and methods. To put the ideals of the Christian texts in their wider cultural context, the article gives a brief outline of relevant aspects of the upbringing of children in the Greco-Roman world. The Christian sources seem to emphasise even more than pagan authors the need for moral formation, which is the ultimate goal of the upbringing, and argue that, in the end, the parents’ salvation depends on taking this task seriously. The texts reflect the ideal that it is mainly the parents themselves, and not nurses or other servants, who should carry out the Christian formation. Controlling the social lives of children and and leading them into a comprehensive life of piety are seen as significant. The Christian texts argue for a more extensive use of corporal punishment than the classical ideal of the bonus paterfamilias indicated.     

Hope as empowerment model: A client-based perspective on the process of hope development

Abstract

Research on the relationship of client hope to successful therapy outcome underlines the need to discover the processes and conditions when hope flourishes. Snyder’s Hope Theory has been applied to psychotherapy but client subjective experiences are needed to illuminate nuances in the process. The present study examined the trajectory of hope development in psychotherapy using interviews with 18 counseling clients, analyzed using grounded theory methodology. Findings were synthesized into a dynamic model titled hope as empowerment model (HEM) that shares features of Snyder’s Hope Theory. HEM introduces patterns of particular salience to psychotherapy. The compatibility of client preferences with therapist input raised faith in the process of counseling and, in turn, hope in a positive outcome. A number of conditions, including the flexibility of client role preferences and the directiveness of hope-inspiring therapeutic strategies, influenced the nature and strength of client hope. Implications for therapy and positive psychology are considered.     

A meta-analysis of the published research on the affective, cognitive, and behavioral effects of corporal punishment

The present study is a meta-analysis of the published research on the effects of corporal punishment on affective, cognitive, and behavioral outcomes. The authors included 70 studies published between 1961 and 2000 and involving 47,751 people. Most of the studies were published between 1990 and 2000 (i.e., 53 or 68%) and were conducted in the United States (65 or 83.3%). Each of the dependent variables was coded, and effect sizes (ds) were computed. Average unweighted and weighted ds for each of the outcome variables were .35 and .20 for affective outcomes, .33 and .06 for cognitive outcomes, and .25 and .21 for behavioral outcomes, respectively. The analyses suggested small negative behavioral and emotional effects of corporal punishment and almost no effect of such punishment on cognition. Analyses of several potentially moderating variables, such as gender or socioeconomic status, and the frequency or age of first experience of corporal punishment, the relationship of the person administering the discipline, and the technique of the discipline all had no affect on effect size outcome. There was insufficient data about a number of the moderator variables to conduct meaningful analyses. The results of the present meta-analysis suggest that exposure to corporal punishment does not substantially increase the risk to youth of developing affective, cognitive, or behavioral pathologies.     

Metaemotional Intentionality

This article argues against two theories that obscure our understanding of emotions whose objects are other emotions. The tripartite model of emotional intentionality holds that an emotion's relation to its object is necessarily mediated by an additional representational state; I argue that metaemotions are an exception to this claim. The hierarchical model positions metaemotions as stable, epistemically privileged higher‐order appraisals of lower‐level emotions; I argue that this clashes with various features of complex metaemotional experiences. The article therefore serves dual purposes, offering metaemotions as a counterexample to an intuitive thesis about emotional intentionality, and examining their intentional structure in its own right.     

Practice‐based evidence in school‐based counselling

Aims: Counsellors are becoming commonplace within the support structures of secondary schools. To date, research findings from practice‐based outcome studies suggest this is a positive move. There are, however, numerous limitations to this work, and this project aims to develop this existing body of literature. Method: Nine 13–15 year olds attending counselling in six school‐based services participated in the project – one individual withdrew. A standardised self‐report questionnaire (YP‐CORE) was collected at four intervals: (1) the point of referral; (2) the onset of counselling; (3) the completion of counselling; and, (4) a two‐month follow‐up. The change indicated in each of these phases is examined and reported here. Additionally, YP‐CORE was completed during each session. Findings: The YP‐CORE indicates an improvement in the well‐being of this small sample, while waiting for and attending therapy. Further examination of session‐by‐session data also highlights how pre‐ and post‐outcome data should not necessarily be viewed as linear in nature. Discussion: This is a small‐scale investigation and further work is needed in this area. It does, however, raise a number of issues regarding the complexity inherent in conducting outcome research that warrant further investigation.     

Determining Activity of the Autonomic Nervous System from Measurements of Autonomic Change

Three hundred and fifty female high school students observed an outcome of a hypothetical interpersonal dyadic interaction. The outcome was either a suicide (serious outcome) or a half-hearted suicide attempt (less serious outcome). In one condition, one of the actors was presented as intentionally performing certain actions which he or she knew could cause the other actor to attempt or actually commit suicide. In the other condition, the perpetrator acted in an unintentional manner. Ss' identifications with either the victim or the perpetrator were also manipulated. Furthermore, Ss were independently classified as to whether they considered circumstances (C) or intentionality (I) as the important factor in attributing responsibility. C-attributers identifying with the victim assigned more responsibility to the perpetrator for the serious outcome. C-attributers identifying with the perpetrator assigned more responsibility to that perpetrator in the less serious condition. Predictions for I-attributers were also confirmed.     

Dismantling Desert

Abstract

In this paper I argue that we are never morally responsible for our actions in the sense that we justly deserve to be rewarded or punished for them. I examine two distinctions: (1) the distinction set out by Gary Watson between two distinct types of responsibility: accountability and attributability and (2) the distinction set out by Ted Honderich between origination and voluntariness. I argue that Watson’s distinction maps onto Honderich’s distinction in the sense that we can only properly be held accountable if we are the originators of our actions, and actions can be seen as attributable to us as their authors if they flow voluntarily from our endorsed beliefs, intentions and character. It seems to me that attributability and accountability can be held apart so that an action can be attributable to me without this necessarily entailing that I can properly be held accountable for it in the sense of deserving the type of praise and blame that entails retributive-style reward and punishment. I argue further that compatibilists can only properly defend the weaker attributability. If my argument is correct then the classic determinist divide collapses - since compatibilism can only properly defend voluntariness and attributability and both concepts are prima facie compatible with hard determinism. Given this (and given the standard failures of libertarianism) I argue that it is most plausible for us to be committed to a new position in the free will debate which combines the important insights of compatibilism with the intuitive force of hard determinism.