Influence of prior events on cognitive judgments in amnesia.

Amnesic patients and control Ss read the names of famous and nonfamous persons. Subsequently, both groups were more likely to designate a name as famous if it had been encountered previously. The facilitatory effect of prior presentation was similar for amnesic patients and control Ss and similar for famous and nonfamous names. For amnesic patients, the effect occurred despite severely impaired recognition memory for the names. In a 2nd experiment, recombining the first and last names that had been presented together did not diminish the facilitatory effect of prior presentation, which indicates that the effect does not depend on forming an association between first and last names. The results show that nondeclarative (implicit) memory can support the acquisition of information that is specific (e.g., names of persons) and that has no preexisting representation (e.g., nonfamous names).     

Effects of aging on source monitoring: differences in susceptibility to false fame

Older adults were less likely than young adults to spontaneously recollect the source of familiarity for previously read nonfamous names. Older adults were more likely to call old nonfamous names famous when subsequently encountered in a fame judgment task. Poor source monitoring by the elderly could not be accounted for by inability to recognize earlier read nonfamous names when specifically asked to do so. Both source-monitoring errors and recognition memory performance were based on attributions made about the experience of familiarity. Elderly subjects most prone to making familiarity errors recalled fewer items on a verbal learning task and were less likely to chunk information into semantic categories as it was recalled. This finding suggests that a decline in the tendency to spontaneously organize and integrate information underlies the poor source monitoring observed.     

The illusion of fame: how the nonfamous become famous

This article reports 2 experiments in which nonfamous faces were paired with famous (e.g., Oprah Winfrey) or semifamous (e.g., Annika Sorenstam) faces during an initial orienting task. In Experiment 1, the orienting task directed participants to consider the relationship between the paired faces. In Experiment 2, participants considered distinctive qualities of the paired faces. Participants then judged the fame level of old and new nonfamous faces, semifamous faces, and famous faces. Pairing a nonfamous face with a famous face resulted in a higher fame rating than pairing a nonfamous face with a semifamous face. The fame attached to the famous people was misattributed to their nonfamous partners. We discuss this pattern of results in the context of current theoretical explanations of familiarity misattributions.     

The availability heuristic with famous names: a replication

In two experiments, 195 Canadian undergraduates initially judged a list of 25 names (12 famous men and 13 nonfamous women or 12 famous women and 13 nonfamous men) for familiarity. Contrary to previous research, subsequent estimates of the perceived number of men's and women's names were not higher when the names were famous than nonfamous. When the estimated differences were compared to the true difference (-1), famous names were judged more numerous than nonfamous names, but the size of the effect (d = 0.34) was smaller than in previous research. Reasons for these findings are discussed.     

A direct comparison of recognition failure rates for recallable names in episodic and semanticmemory tests

In an extension of Muter’s (1978) research, subjects studied pairs of lowercase cues and uppercase targets consisting of famous names (e.g., betsy ROSS), nonfamous names (e.g., edwin CONWAY), weakly related words (e.g., grasp BABY), and unrelated words (e.g., art GO). Following recognition tests in which surname and word targets were tested in the absence of their cues, cued recall tests for the surname and word targets were given. In semantic recognition and recall tests, the response to a surname was to be made solely on the basis of its fame, regardless of whether or not it had appeared in the study list. In episodic memory tests, the response to a surname was to be made solely on the basis of whether or not it had appeared in the study list, regardless of its fame. In all tests, the response to a nonname was to be made solely on the basis of whether or not it had appeared in the study list. The Tulving-Wiseman (1975) function accurately predicted recognition failure rates for famous surnames, whether or not they were from the study list and whether the test was episodic or semantic, and for targets from the weakly relatedword pairs. However, recognition failure rates were lower than the Tulving-Wiseman function predicted for nonfamous surnames in the episodic memory test and for targets from unrelated word pairs. Discussion focused on these results’ implications for the nature of the Tulving-Wiseman function and the psychological reality of the episodic-semantic memory distinction.     

Intact text-specific reading skill in amnesia

Amnesic patients were studied to determine whether the acquisition and retention of item-specific skills can be supported by nondeclarative (implicit) memory. In Experiment 1, subjects read 2 different passages 3 times in succession. Reading speed improved at a similar rate in both amnesic patients and normal subjects and was specific to the text that was read. In Experiment 2, amnesic patients and normal subjects read a passage 3 successive times and then reread the same passage after a 0-s, 10-min, 2-hr, or 1-day delay. In both groups, facilitation persisted for at least 10 min and disappeared within 2 hr. It is suggested that facilitated reading speed depends importantly on both semantic and perceptual information and that such information can be supported by nondeclarative memory.     

Nonverbal priming in amnesia

In this experiment, we examined whether a group of well-characterized amnesic patients would exhibit normal priming for novel nonverbal materials after a single exposure. Both amnesic patients and normal control subjects studied line figures and were then given a priming test in which they were asked to reproduce both old (studied) and new (unstudied) figures after a brief exposure. The measure of priming was the number of old patterns drawn correctly relative to the number of new patterns drawn correctly. Both subject groups reproduced more old patterns than new patterns, and the effect was similar in the two groups. In contrast, amnesic patients were significantly impaired on a recognition memory test for the items that had been presented. This study contributes to recent evidence that implicit memory can support the rapid acquisition of novel verbal and nonverbal information. Perceptual priming for such material is independent of the structures damaged in amnesia.     

The memorability of names and the divergent effects of prior experience

Pre-experimental familiarity can have paradoxical effects on episodic memory. Knowledge of the stimulus domain usually enhances memory, but word frequency—a presumed correlate of prior experience—is negatively related to recognition accuracy. The present study examined episodic recognition of names and its relation to two measures of pre-experimental knowledge, name frequency, and fame. Frequency was operationalised as the number of hits in a national telephone directory, and fame as hits on national mass media websites. Recognition accuracy was increased by fame, but diminished by frequency. Four experiments confirmed the findings, using yes/no recognition, ROC curves, and remember-know paradigms. Hit rates were consistently more strongly influenced by fame than by frequency, whereas the reverse was true for false alarm rates. These dissociations suggest that two different forms of semantic memory, specific and nonspecific knowledge, interact with episodic memory in separate ways.     

The effect of increasing the memorability of category instances on estimates of category size

According to Tversky and Kahneman’s (1973) availability heuristic, people sometimes make use of the ease with which instances are retrieved when they have to estimate proportions or frequencies. One implication of this availability heuristic is that any factor that affects memorability of instances from a category should also affect the estimated category size. In one of their experiments, Tversky and Kahneman found that, after being presented with a list of names, people judged the more famous names to be more frequent. Similarly, recall was found to be greater for the more famous names. Three experiments that used Tversky and Kahneman’s paradigm are reported. Repeating nonfamous names resulted in their increased recallability and a corresponding increase in estimates of their frequency (Experiments 1 and 3). Making nonfamous names more salient (Experiment 3) also had parallel effects on recallability and frequency estimates, indicating that different memory manipulations affected availability in a similar fashion. Furthermore, reliance on the heuristic was not changed as a function of prior knowledge (Experiment 2) or practice (Experiment 3)     

The contribution of autobiographical significance to semantic memory

We examined the importance of autobiographical significance (AS) in the representation and organization of semantic memory by examining which famous people are most likely to be associated with specific personal memories and whether or not this AS can be distinguished from other factors, such as familiarity. Norming studies with 45- to 55-year-old and 65- to 80-year-old participants suggested that AS is distinct from familiarity and that it interacts closely with emotional salience. Furthermore, in a set of experiments, we tested the hypothesis that AS is an important organizing principle in long-term episodic and semantic memory by contrasting performances on tests of recall, recognition, fame judgment, and speeded reading for famous names judged to be of either high or low personal relevance. Participants demonstrated a performance advantage (i.e., enhanced memory and faster responding) for autobiographically significant famous names, regardless of whether their own judgments or others' judgments were used to classify the names. The implications of these findings for models of semantic memory are discussed.     

Artificial grammar learning in Alzheimer’s disease

Patients with early Alzheimer’s disease (AD) exhibit impaired declarative memory although some forms of nondeclarative memory are intact. Performance on perceptual nondeclarative memory tasks is often preserved in AD, whereas conceptual nondeclarative memory is often impaired. A conceptual nondeclarative learning task that has been studied in amnesic patients is the artificial grammar learning (AGL) task. Healthy participants and patients with impaired declarative memory both acquire information about an underlying rule structure in this task and exhibit the ability to identify rule-conforming items, despite the subjective experience of guessing at the response. In this study, 12 patients diagnosed with early AD were tested on the AGL task and a matched recognition task. The patients were able to reliably distinguish rule-conforming items from others, indicating successful AGL. Performance of the AD patients was impaired, relative to controls, on a similar recognition task, although they were found to use information about the grammaticality of study items in an attempt to improve their recognition performance. The AD patients showed a dissociation similar to that seen in anterograde amnesia: impaired recognition memory in conjunction with successful AGL. This finding suggests that the brain areas that support AGL are not compromised early in the course of AD. In addition, the nondeclarative memory of the AD patients acquired during AGL appeared to influence their performance on a declarative memory task, suggesting an interaction between this nondeclarative memory task and declarative memory.     

On the bounded rationality of gender stereotyping in fame judgments

The false‐fame effect is the phenomenon that familiar names are falsely judged famous more often than unfamiliar names. M.R. Banaji and A.G. Greenwald ( 1995 ) demonstrated a gender bias in the false‐fame effect: In line with existing gender stereotypes, the false‐fame effect was larger for male than for female names. A more general explanation for gender biasing in fame judgments is based on cognitive availability. Name gender could be used as an ecologically valid cue when making fame judgments. If the relevant universe of famous names contained more male than female names, a gender bias in fame judgments should be observed, if it contained more female names, the gender bias should be reversed. Indeed, this pattern could be demonstrated experimentally, and we argue that it is not compatible with an account that draws on gender stereotyping but with one based on cognitive availability. Copyright © 2004 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Auditory Long term Memory: Repetition Priming of Voice Recognition

Two experiments examined repetition priming in the recognition of famous voices. In Experiment 1, reaction times for fame decisions to famous voice samples were shorter than in an unprimed condition, when voices were primed by a different voice sample of the same person having been presented in an earlier phase of the experiment. No effect of voice repetition was observed for non-famous voices. In Experiment 2, it was investigated whether this priming effect is voice-specific or whether it is related to post-perceptual processes in person recognition. Recognizing a famous voice was again primed by having earlier heard a different voice sample of that person. Although an earlier exposure to that person's name did not cause any priming, there was some indication of priming following an earlier exposure to that person's face. Finally, earlier exposure to the identical voice sample (as compared to a different voice sample from the same person) caused a considerable bias towards responding 'famous'-i.e. performance benefits for famous but costs for nonfamous voices. The findings suggestthat (1) repetition priming invoice recognition primarily involves the activation of perceptual representations of voices, and (2) it is important to determine the conditions in which priming causes bias effects that need to be disentangled from performance benefits.     

Intentional forgetting can increase,not decrease,residual influences of to-be-forgotten information

Intentionally forgotten information remains in memory at essentially full strength, as measured by recognition and priming, but access to that information is impaired, as measured by recall. Given that pattern, it seemed plausible that intentionally forgotten information might have a greater impact on certain subsequent judgments than would intentionally remembered information. In 2 experiments, participants cued to forget nonfamous names were subsequently more likely to make false attributions of fame to those names than were participants instructed to remember them. These findings implicate retrieval inhibition as a potent factor in the interplay of recollection and priming in memory and judgment. They also point to possible unintended consequences of instructions to forget, suppress, or disregard in legal or social settings.     

Gender bias in fame judgments: Implicit gender stereotyping or matching study phase fame?

Familiarized names are falsely judgedfamous more often than nonfamiliarized names. Banaji and Greenwald (1995) demonstrated a gender bias in thisfalse fame effect, with the effect being larger for male than for female names. This effect was interpreted as reflecting the operation of a gender stereotype. However, the famous male names were, in fact, better known than the famous female names. Thus, the presence of more famous male names during study may have contributed to the observed male-famous association. If so, there should be no gender bias if the studied famous male and female names are equally famous, and a reversed gender bias should emerge if the famous female names are more famous than the male names. In two experiments, these predictions were corroborated. A “classical” gender bias was found only when the famous males were more famous than the famous females. These findings are consistent with the hypothesis that the gender bias in fame judgments, rather than showing implicit gender stereotyping in the sense of a transsituational judgment bias, reflects the fact that, in test, participants select a proportion of fame judgments to male and female names so that it matches the relative degree of fame of male and female names encountered during study.     

False recency and false fame of faces in young adulthood and old age

Studies of age differences in face recognition have shown age-related increases in false-alarm errors: elderly persons exceed young adults in judging new faces to be old. To distinguish among theoretical accounts of this finding, we compared young and elderly subjects in two recognition tasks: (1) that of judging whether faces were recent or nonrecent, and (2) that of judging whether faces were famous or nonfamous. The major independent variable was prior presentation of faces-including nonrecent and nonfamous foils-1 week before the test. False recent judgments in response to nonrecent faces and false famous judgments in response to nonfamous faces were higher among the elderly. Moreover, these age-related differences in false-alarm rates were larger for faces viewed 1 week previously than for entirely new faces. The findings suggest that, compared to young adults, older individuals rely relatively more on perceived familiarity, and relatively less on recollection of context, in making recognition decisions.     

IMPLICIT MEMORY IN AMNESIC PATIENTS:

Abstract— Previous observations of spared priming in amnesic patients have been based almost entirely on data from visual implicit memory tests Our research examined perceptual priming.in amnesic patients and control subjects on an auditory identification task in which previously spoken words and new words were presented in white noise We manipulated type of encoding task (semantic vs nonsemantic) and speaker's voice at study and test (same vs different) Priming was little affected.by either manipulation, and amnesic patients exhibited normal priming in all experimental conditions On an explicit test of recognition memory, by contrast, amnesic patients exhibited.severely impaired performance following the semantic study task, all subjects showed poor explicit memory following the nonsemantic study task Results are consistent with the idea that auditory priming depends largely on a presemantic auditory perceptual representation system     

Recall of odors: naming and autobiographical memories illustrate odor aftereffects

In the study phase, subjects had to encode either odors or the names there of by generating autobiographical memories, by judging the quality of the food source of the odors, or by labeling responses to odors. At the testing stage, explicit and implicit olfactory memory performance was assessed. With recognition testing, the provision of odors at study improved performance. Furthermore, recognition depended on elaborative encoding conditions with olfactory stimuli only. Implicit memory was measured by the correctness and speed of labeling responses at the testing stage. Old odors were named more correctly and faster than new ones, but only if subjects had encoded odors in the study phase. These results demonstrate that implicit memory in naming odors depends on olfactory stimulus processing and is not a purely verbal priming effect. As a further measure of implicit memory, the speed of autobiographical memory productions was assessed. We registered shorter reaction times for old versus new odors. But again, this effect of implicit memory was restricted to conditions of odor pre-experiences in the study phase. We conclude that olfactory memory is based on different types of memory traces. Implicit memory measures may prove to be useful in isolating sensory and other attributes of olfaction that seem to be interacting in making explicit memory judgments.     

The fractionation of retrograde amnesia

This single case study describes our investigations of the retrograde memory deficit of a patient who became severely and selectively amnesic after an encephalitic illness. On clinical assessment his retrograde deficit for both personal and public events appeared to encompass his entire adult life. However, he retained knowledge of words introduced into the vocabulary during the retrograde period. The experimental investigation documented his inability to recall, recognize, and place in temporal order the names and faces of famous people for all time periods sampled. By contrast, his recall of either a famous face or a famous name was significantly facilitated by the verbal cue of the person's first name and initial of the surname (i.e., Margaret T...). His performance on a test of "familiarity" that required him to select the famous name or the famous face from two distractors (unknown) was within normal limits. It is argued that names and faces of famous people are represented in more than one system: both in a vocabulary-like fact memory system that is preserved and also in a congnitively mediated schemata that in this case is functionally inoperative.     

Contribution of perceptual fluency to recognition judgments.

Following a shallow (count vowels) or deep (read) study task, old and new words were tested for both fluency of perception and recognition memory. Subjects first identified a test word as it came gradually into view and then judged it as old or new. Old words were identified faster than new words, indicating implicit, perceptual memory for old words. Independently of this effect, words judged old were identified faster than words judged new, especially after shallow study. Eight experiments examined the possible causal relationship between perceptual fluency and recognition judgements. Experiments 1 to 4 showed that fast identifications per se do not promote old judgments. Accelerating the identification of test items by semantically priming them or making them come more quickly into view did not affect recognition judgments. Experiment 5 showed that the usual association of fast identifications with old judgments is not an artifact of item selection because the association disappeared when the identifications and judgements were segregated into different phases of the test task. Experiments 6 and 7 showed tha the likelihood of old judgments increases directly with the pretested perceptibility of test words, but only after shallow study. Experiment 8 showed that the dependency of recognition judgments on perceptual fluency continues to hold when the requirement to identify the words before judging them is eliminated. We conclude that fluency of perception contributes to recognition judgments, but only when the fluency is produced naturally (e.g., through perceptual memory) and explicit memory is minimal.