Detection of Fs in a single statement: The role of phonetic recoding

Most college-student readers have difficulty in detecting the letter F in instances of the word OF embedded in a single statement. Throughout a series of five experiments designed to clarify the basis of these detection failures, their unique and robust nature was demonstrated. The detection failures persisted in spite of repeated attempts to detect the letters by subjects who, in separate conditions and experiments, first memorized or copied the statement, or who, for purposes of comparison, also detected the O in OF, the N in ON, or the F in IF, or who read the statement in a number of physical formats, which included lower and upper letter cases, scrambled syntax, unsegmented letter strings, and vertical (list) presentation. Although many of these manipulations significantly improved performance, none produced perfect performance or performance comparable to the detection of F in IF. Several hypotheses, including those of redundancy, unitization, and phonetic recoding, were tested as explanations of the detection failures: The hypothesis that received the strongest support was that of phonetic recoding. This hypothesis focuses upon the atypical pronunciation of F as/v/(as in the word OF), rather than as the more typical/f/. In short, this reading illusion was concluded to be, in large part, a result of the subjects’ scanning their acoustic rather than their visual images of the printed word.     

Detecting letters in continuous text: effects of display size

In three letter detection experiments, subjects responded to each instance of the letter t in continuous text typed in a standard paragraph, typed with one to four words per line, or shown for a fixed duration on a computer screen either one or four words at a time. In the multiword and the standard paragraph conditions, errors were greatest and latencies longest on the word the when it was correctly spelled. This effect was diminished or reversed in the one-word conditions. These findings support a set of unitization hypotheses about the reading process, according to which subjects do not process the constituent letters of a word once that word has been identified unless no other word is in view.     

Evidence for a parallel input serial analysis model of word processing

A parallel input serial analysis (PISA) model of word processing was developed and tested. The goal was to expand on the "critical processing duration" hypothesis of Johnson, Allen, and Strand (1989) so that both single-word and multiple-word presentation, letter detection data could be explained. In Experiments 1-3 four different word frequency categories on a single-presentation, letter detection task were used. These three experiments indicated that there was a curvilinear relationship between word frequency and letter detection reaction time (RT). That is, letter detection RTs for medium-high-frequency words were significantly longer than letter detection RTs for very-high-, low-, and very-low-frequency words. These results support the PISA model rather than the Healy, Oliver, and McNamara (1987) version of the unitization model. In Experiments 4-5 multiple-presentation (i.e., two words), letter detection tasks were used. The PISA model could also account for the results from these two experiments, but the unitization model could not.     

Detection errors in a task with articulatory suppression: Phonological receding and reading

In two experiments, subjects read passages of text and circled instances of a target letter under normal conditions or while engaged in articulatory suppression. In Experiment 1, subjects searching for the letter e made a disproportionately large number of errors on the word “the” and more errors when e occurred in unstressed than in stressed syllables of three-syllable words. In Experiment 2, subjects searching for the letter f made an exceedingly large number of errors on the word “of.” Articulatory suppression significantly reduced the stress effect in the three-syllable words but did not reduce the tendency to make errors on “the” or “of,” suggesting that phonological recoding is responsible for this effect of stress but does not influence the unitization processes of reading.     

Neighborhood effects in visual word recognition: Facilitatory or inhibitory?

In five experiments, in which subjects were to identify a target word as it was gradually clarified, we manipulated the target's frequency of occurrence in the language and its neighborhood size—the number of words that can be constructed from a target word by changing one letter, while preserving letter position. In Experiments 1–4, visual identification performance to screen-fragmented words was measured. In Experiments 1 and 2, we used the ascending method of limits, whereas Experiments 3 and 4 presented a fixed-level fragment. In Experiment 1, there was no relation between overall accuracy and neighborhood size for-words-between three and six letters in length. However, more errors of commission (guesses) were made for high-neighborhood words and more errors of omission (blanks) were made for low-neighborhood words. Letter errors within guesses occurred at serial positions having many neighbors, and these positions were also likely to contain consonants rather than vowels. In Experiment 2, a smallfacilitatory effect of neighborhood size on bothhigh- and low-frequency words was found. In contrast, in Experiments 3 and 4, using the same set of words,inhibitory effects of neighborhood size, but only for low-frequency words, were found. Experiment 5, using a speeded identification task, showed results parallel to those of Experiments 3 and 4. We suggest that whether neighborhood effects are facilitatory or inhibitory depends on whether feedback allows subjects to disconfirm initial hypotheses that the target is a high-frequency neighbor.     

The primacyof visual information inthe analysis of letter strings

In Experiment 1, orthographic and phonetic information were separated by using artificial letters to represent English pseudowords and random letter strings. Subjects could learn to distinguish combinations of artificial letters on the basis of (1) orthographic, but not phonetic, information, (2) orthographic and phonetic information, (3) paired-associate verbal labels without orthographic information, and (4) neither orthographic nor phonetic information. By imposing a variety of response deadlines it appeared that subjects quickly exploited orthographic information without any contribution from phonetic correspondences. The only suggestion of a phonetic effect occurred in the absence of orthographic information and at longer latencies. Experiment 3 (using English letters) also suggested that phonetic information influenced the analysis of letter string pairs at only longer latencies, after visual analysis. Experiment 2 provided a demonstration that orthographic rules similar to those exploited in Experiment 1 were useful in visual discriminations regardless of the particular letter position affected by those rules. The results strain phonetic mediation models of performance in word-related tasks (e. g., Spoehr & Smith, 1975)and support models that emphasize visual analysis(Barron & Baron, 1977; Massaro, 1975; Pollatsek, Well, & Schindler, 1975).     

Investigating the boundaries of reading units across ages and reading levels

In Experiments 1 and 2 first-, third-, and seventh-grade children and college subjects circled the letter a while reading passages constructed of words familiar to first graders. First graders made more errors on the letter a embedded in a word than on the word a, whereas the converse was true of the other age groups. In Experiments 3 and 4 first-, second-, fourth-, and seventh-grade children and college students read passages and circled the letter t, making more errors on the common word the than on other words and on correctly spelled than on misspelled words. The effect of misspelling the other words increased with age and reading skill. Our combined results suggest that reading unit size increases with age and reading ability and that, whereas younger children, like adults, unitize common words, the unitization of less common words increases as word configurations become more familiar.     

Letter detection: A window to unitization and other cognitive processes in reading text

Experiments are reviewed that use the letter-detection task, in which subjects read text and circle target letters. Evidence is provided that the letter-detection task reveals the processing units used in reading text and is influenced as well by visual, phonetic, and a combination of semantic and syntactic factors. Specifically, it is shown that circling a target letter in a word depends on the familiarity of the word’s visual configuration, the location of the word in the reader’s visual field, the phonetic representation of the letter in the word, and a combination of the word’s meaning and its grammatical function.     

Evidence in support of word unitization

In each of five experiments, the subjects viewed tachistoscopically presented pairs of letters and made speeded comparison judgments on the basis of name identity. On most trials, a noise letter string (word or anagram) was placed directly between the target letters. The results indicated that correct “same” RTs were a function of noise item type and its relation to target letters. Anagrams increased RTs more than their counterpart words, except when the noise word was either unmeaningflul or response incompatible with respect to the target letters (e.g., B Tea b). The interference effects were also found to be independent of sequence length. It was posited that the subjects were unable to completely ignore the irrelevant attributes of the displays and that under certain conditions, the subjects were able to identify the noise items in a holistic fashion. The data were interpreted in terms of a unitization hypothesis of word recognition, response competition, and a continuous-flow conception of information processing.     

Phonetic recoding and reading difficulty in beginning readers

The results of a recent study (Liberman, Shankweiler, Liberman, Fowler, & Fischer, 1977) suggest that good beginning readers are more affected than poor readers by the phonetic characteristics of visually presented items in a recall task. The good readers made significantly more recall errors on strings of letters with rhyming letter names than on nonrhyming sequences; in contrast, the poor readers made roughly equal numbers of errors on the rhyming and nonrhyming letter strings. The purpose of the present study was to determine whether the interaction between reading ability and phonetic similarity is solely determined by different rehearsal strategies of the two groups. Accordingly, good and poor readers were tested on rhyming and nonrhyming words using a recognition memory paradigm that minimized the opportunity for rehearsal. Performance of the good readers was more affected by phonetic similarity than that of the poor readers, in agreement with the earlier study. The present findings support the hypothesis that good and poor readers do differ in their ability to access a phonetic representation.     

Syllables and spelling units affect feature integration in words

Three experiments showed that syllables and spelling patterns function as higher order units in word perception. Subjects were required to identify the color of a target letter in briefly presented words composed of different-colored letters. In Experiment 1, subjects incorrectly reported the color of a nontarget letter (conjunction error) more often in one-syllable words containing few spelling units than in two-syllable words containing many spelling units. Experiment 2 showed that subjects made more conjunction errors in one-syllable words than in two-syllable words when the number of spelling patterns was controlled. Experiment 3 showed that conjunction errors decreased as spelling units increased when the number of syllables was held constant. Experiments 1 and 3 also showed that more conjunction errors occurred within syllabic and spelling units than between these units. These findings are discussed in light of previous research on syllable and spelling pattern effects.     

The influence of word function in the missing-letter effect: Further evidence from French

When asked to detect target letters while reading continuous text, subjects miss more letters in highly common function words than in less common content words. This is known as themissing-letter effect. According to the structural account, the higher omission rates for frequent function words are attributable to their role in supporting the extraction of phrase structure, after which they become lost in the transition from structure to meaning. This implies that word function in and of itself should affect letter detection accuracy. This issue was examined in four experiments while controlling for a number of confounded factors associated with another influential model: the unitization account. The first experiment extended the missing-letter effect to the French language. The second showed that letter detection is influenced by slight variations in the function assumed by the same word, such as when it is used as a definite article as opposed to a pronoun. This effect was observed even when the frequency of the orthographic pattern and the syllable stress patterns were controlled. In the last two experiments, a control was added for another factor: frequency of word meaning. The results indicate that word function contributes to the missing-letter effect over and above what is contributed by frequency of word meaning.     

Phonetic factors in letter detection: A reevaluation

Three experiments in which subjects searched for the letter e in printed text were conducted to examine the effects of phonetic factors in silent reading. In Experiment 1, subjects made more errors on silent es than on pronounced es, but silent es always occurred at the ends of words, whereas pronounced es occurred in the middle of words. In Experiment 2, all instances of the letter e occurred in the penultimate location in the words, and no effects of letter voicing were obtained. In Experiment 3, subjects made more errors on es in unstressed syllables than on es in stressed syllables in three-syllable words. However, this effect occurred only for es in the second and third syllables and only for the more common words. All three experiments yielded large effects of word frequency, which were reduced in passages printed in alternating typecase. It was concluded that letter detection is affected by syllable stress but not by letter voicing and that the stress effect depends on whether the subject is able to form reading units at the syllable level.     

Transposed-letter effects in reading: evidence from eye movements and parafoveal preview

Three eye movement experiments were conducted to examine the role of letter identity and letter position during reading. Before fixating on a target word within each sentence, readers were provided with a parafoveal preview that differed in the amount of useful letter identity and letter position information it provided. In Experiments 1 and 2, previews fell into 1 of 5 conditions: (a) identical to the target word, (b) a transposition of 2 internal letters, (c) a substitution of 2 internal letters, (d) a transposition of the 2 final letters, or (e) a substitution of the 2 final letters. In Experiment 3, the authors used a further set of conditions to explore the importance of external letter positions. The findings extend previous work and demonstrate that transposed-letter effects exist in silent reading. These experiments also indicate that letter identity information can be extracted from the parafovea outside of absolute letter position from the first 5 letters of the word to the right of fixation. Finally, the results support the notion that exterior letters play important roles in visual word recognition.     

Direct assessments of the processing time hypothesis for the missing-letter effect

When participants search for a target letter while reading, they make more omissions if the target letter is embedded in frequently used words or in the most frequent meaning of a polysemic word. According to the processing time hypothesis, this occurs because familiar words and meanings are identified faster, leaving less time for letter identification. Contrary to the predictions of the processing time hypothesis, with a rapid serial visual presentation procedure, participants were slower at detecting target letters for more frequent words or the most frequent meaning of a word (Experiments 1 and 2) or at detecting the word itself instead of a target letter (Experiment 3). In Experiments 4 and 5, participants self-initiated the presentation of each word, and the same pattern of results was observed as in Experiments 1 and 3. Positive correlations were also found between omission rate and response latencies.     

Detection of intraword and interword letter repetition: A test of the word unitization hypothesis

Do words, as familiar units or gestalts, tend to swallow up and conceal their letter components (Pillsbury, 1897)? Letters typically are detected faster and more accurately in words than in nonwords (i.e., scrambled collections of letters), and in more frequent words than in less frequent words. However, a word advantage at encoding, where the representation of the string is formed, might compensate for, and thus mask, a word disadvantage at decoding and comparison, where the component letters of the representation are accessed and compared with the target letter. To better reveal any such word disadvantage, a task was used in this study that increased the amount of letter processing. Subjects judged whether a letter was repeated within a six-letter word or a nonword (Experiment 1; intraword letter repetition) or was repeated between two adjacent unrelated six-letter words or nonwords (Experiment 2; interword letter repetition). Contrary to Pillsbury's word unitization hypothesis, both types of letter repetition (intraword and interword) were detected faster and just as accurately with words as with nonwords. In Experiment 2, however, interword letter repetition was detected less accurately on common words (but not on rare words or third-order pseudowords) than on the corresponding nonwords. Thus, although the familiar word does not deny access to its own component letters, it does make their comparison with letters from other words more difficult.     

Intrusion and location errors in the naming of letters in words and non-words

Summary In two experiments subjects were asked to report the identity of a position-cued critical letter in a linear array of letters. The identification errors made were classified either as intrusion (i.e., a report of a letter not in the array), or as location (i.e., a report of a noncritical or context letter from the array), and the arrays used were either unpronounceable non-words or words. In the first experiment all stimuli were four letters long and were presented in two parts: a leading array in which the information from two quadrants of a vertical by horizontal division of each letter was presented, and, after intervals of 40 and 160 ms, a trailing array of the complementary letter parts. The cue for the critical letter appeared either 80 ms before the initiation of the leading array or 320 ms after. The results showed a word advantage in all conditions, and an analysis of mislocations as proportions of total errors did not show that they differed significantly for non-words and for words. In the second experiment the stimuli were eight letters long and they were presented intact, followed after 140 ms by a patterned mask. The critical letter was again pre- and post-cued, and arrays subtended either 1.6° or 5° of visual angle. The results again showed a general word advantage and no difference in the proportions of mislocations for non-words and words. The results of both studies failed to provide support for the notion that the non-words probably required more attention than the words, and since this differential-attention hypothesis questioned the equality of encoding assumption of the Interactive Activation model of word perception, its rejection supported the latter proposition. It was concluded, therefore, that the encoding of the strings of letters in these studies was independent of their linguistic properties.     

On the process of recognizing inverted words: Does it rely only on orientation-invariant cues?

Following a demonstration by Parks (1983) of failure to notice the reflection of a letter of an inverted word, two experiments were conducted to test a hypothesis about the process of recognizing inverted words that is termed here invariant cues only (ICO)-a letter-by-letter identification process based only on orientation-invariant letter features. In Experiment 1, subjects were presented with whole strings-words and nonwords, either upright or inverted-in which either all the letters were normal or one of the letters was reflected, and they were asked to make lexical decisions. In Experiment 2, subjects made a reflection judgment about an upright or inverted letter within a string immediately after they had been presented with the other, nonreflected string letters, again either upright or inverted. The results do not support the ICO hypothesis: Lexical decisions were greatly affected by the reflection of a letter in upright and inverted stimuli alike. Reflection judgments were considerably facilitated by word context in the upright and the inverted modes alike. The results are accommodated better by the notion that recognition of disoriented words requires some correction used to restore orientation-sensitive features.     

Visual similarity effects in immediate verbal serial recall

The role of visual working memory in temporary serial retention of verbal information was examined in four experiments on immediate serial recall of words that varied in visual similarity and letters that varied in the visual consistency between upper and lower case. Experiments 1 and 2 involved words that were either visually similar (e.g. fly, cry, dry; hew, new, few ) or were visually distinct (e.g. guy, sigh, lie; who, blue, ewe ). Experiments 3 and 4 involved serial recall of both letter and case from sequences of letters chosen such that the upper- and lower-case versions were visually similar, for example Kk, Cc, Zz, Ww , or were visually dissimilar, for example Dd, Hh, Rr, Qq . Hence in the latter set, case informationwas encoded interms of both the shape and the size of the letters. With both words and letters, the visually similar items resulted in poorer recall both with and without concurrent articulatory suppression. This visual similarity effect was robust and was replicated across the four experiments. The effect was not restricted to any particular serial position and was particularly salient in the recall of letter case. These data suggest the presence of a visual code for retention of visually presented verbal sequences in addition to a phonological code, and they are consistent with the use of a visual temporary memory, or visual "cache", in verbal serial recall tasks.     

A secondary-task analysis of a word familiarity effect

In three experiments we examined aspects of the word inferiority effect and word frequency disadvantage for letter detection. In Experiment 1 we tested a prediction derived from a hypothesis based solely on attentional factors. Adult subjects performed one of two secondary detection tasks while reading for comprehension. The inferiority effects were obtained only when the secondary task was letter detection, not when nonletter targets were used in the secondary task. This finding is inconsistent with the attentional hypothesis, but is consistent with the unitization hypothesis of Healy and Drewnowski (1983). In Experiments 2 and 3 we found that manipulation of the need to read for comprehension had little influence on the letter-detection inferiority effects, but a strong influence on the effects involving the detection of nonletter targets. These results are discussed in terms of their implications concerning processing system flexibility.