东晋南朝上清经中的"兆"

本文以东晋南朝的道教上清派经典为研究对象,认为在这些文献中多用"兆"来指称修行者,如果论证成立,则是对道教修行者称谓的一个补充,也是对"兆"在宗教文献中特殊含义与用法的发掘.     

保罗的"劝"

这"劝"字,保罗是经常使用的,考查《经文汇编》第501页,从罗马书12章1节到提多书2章9节总共有20多处,若把"劝教"、"劝解"、"劝戒"、"劝醒"、"劝化"、"劝勉"、"劝导"、"劝慰"、"劝言"都加上还有许多。这证明保罗正是这样一位与众弟兄姊妹们打成一片融和其中的使徒。     

“有若似孔子”辨析

《孟子·滕文公上》"有若似圣人"的记载,是后世广为流传的"有若似孔子"之说的初源。历代关于有若之"似"的具体阐释,大致可归纳为"状似"、"貌似"、"言似"和"道似"等四种意见。相对于胶柱、拘泥于外在体貌特征的牵强附会的"状似"、"貌似"二说,有着经典文献依据的"言似"说显然要更为客观、合理,因而也更加可信。不过,在有若与孔子"言似"的表象背后,更根本的还在于彼此思想的相似亦即"道似"。因此,关于"有若似孔子",最可取的解释应是有若"道似"孔子。     

从梵汉对勘看早期般若经“法身”思想的发展

印度大乘佛教中流行的"法身"概念,在早期部派佛教文献中并不多见。本文通过对般若文献不同版本的考察发现,"法身"是由见佛语境下的"法"或"法性"发展而来的,而在早期部派佛教中,"见法即见佛"的观念即已十分流行——这里的"法",指的是佛陀所宣说的"缘起"。"法身"概念的最初成立,是借助kāya一词的双关含义:既有"身"的涵义,也意指"集合"。这样,若称"法的集合",内涵上与"见法即见佛"中的"法"并无差异,但若同时指称"法身",则引入了实指的身体之观念。     

道佛典籍与《封神演义》"阐教"词语关系考

本文考察了"阐教"一语在有关道教与佛教文献中的使用的例证, 有力说明了<封神演义>之"阐教"一词并非作者凭空杜撰, 而是有很深的道佛背景和渊源的, 而且作出推测:<封神>作者在为道教派别"阐教"构思命名时受到道佛人士"阐扬教义"之语和旧有"阐教"官职的双重启发.这实际上推翻了以前所谓"阐教之称,不见经传"的说法.     

当代印度佛教复兴与"参与佛教"运动

若追溯"参与的佛教"的思想渊源,她既与全球化的政治经济形势相关,也可以上溯到上一世纪反殖民主义的政治斗争历史,更可以联系到后殖民时代的宗教思想家们对印度和锡兰(斯里兰卡)这样     

凝视"焦点"中的"草根"——探寻"草根"的词源、词义

随着"草根"一词在日常生活中的广泛使用,"草根"的词义不断扩展,人们对其词义的使用也不尽相同,因此探寻其词源、词义很有必要."草根"词源、词义的发展经过了一个从国外到港台再到大陆的演变历程.它是个借词,在词源、词义上都富于当代意味,是一个处于"文化焦点"中的词汇.除了本义外,它还有两个基本义:一是指"底层";二是指"平民"或"平民的".     

在"大众国学"与"大家国学"之间

一百多年前,梁启超在<新民丛报>上论中国学术思想变迁大势时,忧心忡忡地告诫当日的青年读者道:"自今以往二十年中,吾不患外国学术思想之不输入,吾患本国学术思想之不发明……若诸君而吐弃本国学问不屑从事也,则吾国虽多得百数十之达尔文、约翰弥勒、赫胥黎、斯宾塞,吾惧其于学界一无影响也";他还预测说:"大地今日只有两文明:一泰西文明,欧美是也;二泰东文明,中华是也.二十世纪,则两文明结婚之时代也……彼西方美人,必能为我家育宁馨儿以亢我宗也."     

春"禁"金陵,"望"自心生

这是一个有些不太平静的春天. 俄乌开打、战火连天,班主任在班会上呼吁我们为普世和平守望祈祷,鲁迅先生也说过"无穷的远方,无数的人们,都与我有关";新冠肺炎疫情多点散发,若家里有人生病,去药房买消炎药也成了一件困难事;MU5735航班坠落,一百多条鲜活的生命猝不及防地消逝……     

关于本刊内容注释和参考文献注释体例的说明

<正>1.内容注释,即关于文章内容的注释。该注释若较短,两行字以内时,置于文中,用括号括起;若较长,超出两行字时,置于页下,注号采用带圈的数字即①、②、③等。2.参考文献注释,其对象包括文中被引用的文献和文中未被引用的文献两种。前者分为"文中提示"和"文后全称"两个部分。     

"Psychotherapy" versus "treatment"

Presents a comment on "Psychological treatments" by D. H. Barlow. Barlow proposed that we distinguish between the terms "treatment" and "psychotherapy." The author believes that not only is the distinction unnecessary, but that its implications could have negative consequences for the field of clinical psychology. It is the proposed distinguishing feature that treatments are "specifically tailored to the pathological process that is causing the impairment and distress" that is most problematic. Clinical psychology does not need a distinction that further exacerbates the split between researchers and practitioners.     

"Enmeshment" and "Fusion"

The paper examines two related concepts utilized by two different schools of family therapy. Any family seen to be "enmeshed" is also seen as "fused," and vice versa. The difference in the level of focus, on the "system containing the individuals" (structural) or the "individual in the system" (fusion), determines the difference in therapeutic approach of these two schools.     

“对的”与“好的”

什么是“对的”,和对它的证立,是道德哲学中具有争议性的核心问题,也是效用主义和道义论间的主要差异之所在。统合效用主义对于“好的就是对的”这个陈述有一套完整周延的说法。而道义论对这个问题的证立不够周延或没有足够的说服力。     

"本体论"与"伦理学"--形而上学的两个向度

形而上学有两个密切相关的内在向度,就是本体论向度与伦理学向度.在哲学史上,哲学家们之所以在"追求形而上学"的同时,又总是"反形而上学",并非是人们的形上本性出了问题,而是因为人们总是将形而上学视为单纯的"一维性",总是用一个向度来取代或遮蔽另一个向度.而所谓的"后形而上学思想",也并不是消解了形而上学,而是指形而上学从"本体论向度"转向了"伦理学向度".     

"石狮"、"风水"与"吉祥"

谁都知道,在古老的中国,不管是衙门、宫殿、庙宇的门前,还是豪宅、大户人家的门口,人们都能看到摆着一对石狮。据说,这对石狮子在许多中国人的心目中,它不但是一种气派的象征,而且还是一种被人认为是好的“吉祥物”。如今,旧时的衙门没有了,但遗留下来的宫殿、庙宇的门前,其中有些石狮仍有保存。然而,想像不到的是,这号称“吉祥物”的石狮今天却开始“走”进某些党政机关的大门口,它们(石狮)在那里时时都在保护着这些政府要员“平平安安”、“吉祥如意”。这不仅使我联想起一些极端的报道,有些政府官员为升迁,请算命先生定位,用风水术为政府…     

PREFERRING "HOUSEWIVES" TO "FEMINISTS"

Four studies are described outlining the favorability of attitudes toward women. In Study 1, participants indicated their attitudes toward women and men and their construal of the term "women". The results revealed that women were evaluated more favorably than men, but that male right-wing authoritarians (RWAs) who construed women as referring primarily to feminists were least favorable in their attitudes. In Study 2, participants indicated their attitudes toward both "housewives" and "feminists". The results revealed that feminists were evaluated less favorably than housewives, and that the most negative attitudes toward feminists were expressed by authoritarian men. Study 3 revealed that high-RWA males held more negative symbolic beliefs concerning feminists (i.e., beliefs that feminists failed to promote participants'values) and that these beliefs accounted for variation in attitudes among high RWAs and much of the RWA-attitude relation. Finally, Study 4 revealed that high RWAs perceived greater value dissimilarity between them-selves and feminists. The implications of the findings for future research are discussed.     

从"管制"到"平衡"--政府与公众理想关系模式的构建及其制度化

论文从行政民主的角度探讨政府与公众之间的理想关系模式及其制度化构建过程 ,将我国在改革之前的政府与公众模式概括为管制模式。论文指出 ,在制度变迁的过程中 ,这一模式日益受到挑战。而在新的制度环境下 ,我国政府与公众的关系模式应该是平衡模式。这一模式的制度化措施包括培育自主的市民社会 ,赋予公众以独立的活动空间 ;促进行政公开 ,建立一个开放负责的政府 ;推进行政法建设 ,抑制行政恣意     

"Us" and "Them":

Abstract: In the Aristotelian tradition, politics is a matter of public deliberation over questions of justice and injustice. The Bush administration's response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, has been uniformly hostile to this notion, and it has instead promoted a jingoistic politics of self‐assertion by an America largely identified with the executive branch of its government. This is doubly disturbing, as the executive branch has sought to free itself from international law, multinational commitments, and domestic judicial regulation, even as it has sought to validate itself by demonizing its enemies. This essay draws out the disturbing echoes here of Carl Schmitt's work of the 1920s, in particular of Schmitt's conception of the sovereign as the ungrounded ground of the law and the political as the site of mortal conflict between friend and enemy. The essay argues that Schmitt's position in the twenties, for all of its evident problems, is superior to that of Bush, Wolfowitz, and Ashcroft in at least two senses: Schmitt condemns the idea of waging war for profit and recognizes that such wars will often be disguised as moral crusades waged against the “inhuman”; and he acknowledges that claiming to fight a war for humanity denies one's enemies their humanity, leaving them open to torture and even extermination.