Bilinguals’ twisted tongues: Frequency lag or interference?

Though bilinguals know many more words than monolinguals, within each language bilinguals exhibit some processing disadvantages, extending to sublexical processes specifying the sound structure of words (Gollan & Goldrick, Cognition, 125(3), 491–497, 2012). This study investigated the source of this bilingual disadvantage. Spanish–English bilinguals, Mandarin–English bilinguals, and English monolinguals repeated tongue twisters composed of English nonwords. Twister materials were made up of sound sequences that are unique to the English language (nonoverlapping) or sound sequences that are highly similar—yet phonetically distinct—in the two languages for the bilingual groups (overlapping). If bilingual disadvantages in tongue-twister production result from competition between phonetic representations in their two languages, bilinguals should have more difficulty selecting an intended target when similar sounds are activated in the overlapping sound sequences. Alternatively, if bilingual disadvantages reflect the relatively reduced frequency of use of sound sequences, bilinguals should have greater difficulty in the nonoverlapping condition (as the elements of such sound sequences are limited to a single language). Consistent with the frequency-lag account, but not the competition account, both Spanish–English and Mandarin–English bilinguals were disadvantaged in tongue-twister production only when producing twisters with nonoverlapping sound sequences. Thus, the bilingual disadvantage in tongue-twister production likely reflects reduced frequency of use of sound sequences specific to each language.     

How does the severity of a learning disability affect working memory performance?

Working memory performance was examined in children aged 11-12 years who had borderline, mild, and moderate learning disabilities. Comparisons with children of average abilities were used to determine whether those with more severe learning disabilities had greater impairments in working memory. Seven measures of working memory span were used to assess temporary phonological short-term storage (digit span, word span), temporary visuo-spatial short-term storage (pattern span, spatial span), and temporary short-term storage with additional processing, or central executive, demands (listening span, odd one out span, reverse digit span). Children with mild and moderate learning disabilities were impaired on all measures of working memory compared to children of average abilities. Children with borderline learning disabilities were just as good as children with average abilities on visuo-spatial and complex span tasks, but showed an impairment on phonological span tasks. Children with moderate learning disabilities were indistinguishable from children with mild learning disabilities on simple span tasks, but were significantly poorer than the mild group on the more demanding complex span tasks. For the group as a whole, working memory was strongly related to mental age.     

How does the severity of a learning disability affect working memory performance?

Working memory performance was examined in children aged 11-12 years who had borderline, mild, and moderate learning disabilities. Comparisons with children of average abilities were used to determine whether those with more severe learning disabilities had greater impairments in working memory. Seven measures of working memory span were used to assess temporary phonological short-term storage (digit span, word span), temporary visuo-spatial short-term storage (pattern span, spatial span), and temporary short-term storage with additional processing, or central executive, demands (listening span. odd one out span, reverse digit span). Children with mild and moderate learning disabilities were impaired on all measures of working memory compared to children of average abilities. Children with borderline learning disabilities were just as good as children with average abilities on visuo-spatial and complex span tasks, but showed an impairment on phonological span tasks. Children with moderate learning disabilities were indistinguishable from children with mild learning disabilities on simple span tasks, but were significantly poorer than the mild group on the more demanding complex span tasks. For the group as a whole, working memory was strongly related to mental age.     

How does repetition affect memory? Evidence from judgments of recency

Four experiments were done to investigate the effects of repetition on judgment of recency (JOR). Experiment 1 showed that repetition can make an item seem either more recent or less recent than a nonrepeated item, depending on presentation spacing. Experiments 2-4 showed that subjects are able to judge the recency of a repeated item’s first presentation or of its second presentation with a high degree of independence, especially if they report that the item occurred twice. The data are more consistent with an independent-trace explanation of JOR and repetition than with a cumulative-strength account, but neither hypothesis explains how repetition can make an item seem less recent. It is proposed that the findings as a whole can be better explained by a hypothesis based on recursive reminding.     

Why does memory span increase with age?

Ordered recall of auditory digits was obtained from children of 4, 7, 9, and 11 years of age. Lists had one of three types of sound pattern: melody, prosody, or monotone. For each sound pattern condition, half the lists were temporally grouped. Effects of sound pattern were minor, and not obviously age-specific. Profound effects of temporal grouping and clear-cut primacy effects appeared for all age groups and all conditions. These results render less plausible the popular hypothesis that the increase of memory span with age is due to the emergence of active strategies. It is suggested that the development of span may be due to an increase in the ease with which children can identify the individual items and encode information about their order.     

Why does vantage point affect boundary extension?

To determine if layout affects boundary extension (BE; false memory beyond view boundaries; Intraub & Richardson, 1989), 12 single-object scenes were photographed from three vantage points: central (0°), shifted rightward (45°), and shifted leftward (45°). Size and position of main objects were held constant. Pictures were presented for 15 s each and were repeated at test with their boundaries: (a) displaced inward or outward (Experiment 1: N=120), or (b) identical to the stimulus views (Experiment 2: N=72). When participants adjusted test boundaries to match memory, BE always occurred, but tended to be smaller for 45° views. We propose this reflects the fact that more of the 3-D scene is visible in the 45° views. This suggests that scene representation reflects the 3-D world conveyed by the global characteristics of layout, rather than the 2-D distance between the main object and the boundaries of a picture.     

Underestimating the duration of future events: memory incorrectly used or memory bias?

People frequently underestimate how long it will take them to complete a task. The prevailing view is that during the prediction process, people incorrectly use their memories of how long similar tasks have taken in the past because they take an overly optimistic outlook. A variety of evidence is reviewed in this article that points to a different, although not mutually exclusive, explanation: People base predictions of future duration on their memories of how long past events have taken, but these memories are systematic underestimates of past duration. People appear to underestimate future event duration because they underestimate past event duration.     

Time estimation: does the reference memory mediate the effect of knowledge of results?

This study presents evidence for the role of knowledge of results (KR) in the estimation of medium time intervals (4-12 s durations). Experiment 1 tested the hypothesis that KR operates at the same stage of temporal processing as attention. The absence of an interaction of attention and KR is taken as evidence against this hypothesis. Experiments 2 and 3 further studied the effects of KR in a reproduction and a production task, respectively. The effects of KR were small in the reproduction and substantial in the production task. The results are interpreted in terms of a clock-based timing model and the findings taken together converge on the interpretation that KR affects the reference memory (RM), rather than the other components of the model.     

The semantic interference effect in the picture-word interference paradigm: does the response set matter?

In three picture-word interference experiments we explore some properties of the semantic interference (SI) effect in the picture-word interference paradigm. In Experiments 1 and 2, we test whether SI may be obtained when the distractor words are not part of the response set and when only one picture per semantic category is included in the experiment. In Experiment 3, we explore if the magnitude of the SI effect depends on whether or not the distractor words are part of the response set. Reliable SI effects were obtained in all three experiments and the magnitude of the effect did not vary as a function of whether or not distractor words are part of the response set. These results are problematic for the selection mechanism in the WEAVER++ lexical access model (Levelt, W. J. M., Roelofs, A., & Meyer, A. S. (1999). A theory of lexical access in speech production. Behavioral and Brain Sciences. 22, 1-75; Roelofs, A. (1992). A spreading-activation theory of lemma retrieval in speaking. Cognition, 42, 107-142).     

Do explicit memory manipulations affect the memory blocking effect?

The memory blocking effect (MBE) occurs when people are prevented from completing word fragments because they studied orthographically similar words. Across 3 experiments, we investigated how manipulations that influence explicit memory tasks would influence the MBE. Although a significant MBE was observed in all 3 experiments, manipulating depth of processing (Experiment 1), time to complete the fragments (Experiment 2), and awareness of the MBE (Experiment 3) did not change the magnitude of the MBE. We discuss these results in the context of a suppression mechanism involved in retrieval-induced forgetting.     

Neighborhood frequency does affect performance in the Reicher task: encoding or decision?

Three experiments using the Reicher task show that performance on low-frequency words is disrupted if the incorrect alternative forms a higher frequency word. This neighborhood frequency effect occurs for both energy and pattern masks and for different sets of items. When the upcoming word is primed and its accessibility is enhanced, the neighborhood frequency effect is eliminated. Experiments 4a and 4b tested the neighborhood frequency effect using a same-different task and a signal-detection analysis. Neighborhood frequency affected the decision criterion but not the sensitivity of the perceptual system. Experiment 5 showed that many words with a frequency in the range from 1 to 5 per million are not recognized out of context. These results are consistent with the hypothesis that frequency effects in the Reicher task are caused by a bias in the decision system and can be simulated with the stochastic activation-verification model.     

Does the use of mobile phones affect human short‐term memory or attention?

The effect of acute exposure to low‐level radio frequency electromagnetic fields (REF) generated by mobile phones on short‐term memory and attention was assessed in two experiments. Most of the tests manipulated task difficulty or what might be termed cognitive load. This manipulation is important since previous studies have argued that exposure to mobile phones might affect cognitive functions only under conditions which tax the cognitive system. All participants were exposed to REF (half were exposed to GSM—Global System for Mobile Communication—signals and the other half were exposed to unmodulated signals) in one testing session, while in a separate session participants were exposed to sham signals. To investigate potential lateralised effects, the mobile phone was positioned on the left side of the head for half of the participants and on the right side for the other half. No significant effect of exposure to REF was detected in any of the six tasks used in either the low or high cognitive load conditions. This study used much larger sample sizes than is typical for this type of research and REF exposure was administered under double‐blind conditions. Overall, the results indicate that acute exposure to REFs emitted by mobile phones do not have a strong impact on cognitive functions. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Why does the gaze of others direct visual attention?

Viewing another person directing his or her gaze can produce automatic shifts of covert visual attention in the same direction. This holds true even when the task‐relevant target is much more likely to occur at the uncued location. These findings, along with other evidence, have been taken to suggest that gaze represents a “special” stimulus—the foundation of a social cognition system that can make inferences about the mental states of other people. However, gaze‐driven cueing effects could simply be due to spatial compatibility between cue and target. We compared the attentional effects of gaze shifts to a face with the tongue extended laterally to the left or right. When tongue direction was a nonpredictive cue, we found cueing effects from tongues that were indistinguishable from those produced by gaze. However, in contrast to previous findings with gaze, tongue cues did not overcome a validity manipulation in which targets were four times more likely to appear at the uncued location. We conclude that simple attentional cueing effects from gaze may be better explained by spatial compatibility, and that more complex, unique features of cueing from gaze may be better indices into perceptual systems specialized for social cognition.     

Why does working memory span predict complex cognition? Testing the strategy affordance hypothesis

We introduce and empirically evaluate the strategy affordance hypothesis, which holds that individual differences in strategy use will mediate the relationship between performances on a working memory (WM) span task and another cognitive task only when the same strategies are afforded by both tasks. One hundred forty-eight participants completed basic memory tasks and verbal span tasks that afford the same strategies, such as imagery and sentence generation, and completed reading comprehension tasks that afford different ones, such as self-questioning and summarization. Effective strategy use on WM span tasks accounted for variance in the span-memory relationship, but not for the span-comprehension relationship, supporting the strategy affordance hypothesis. Strategy use mediated the span-cognition relationship only when both tasks afforded the same strategies.     

How does the hippocampus contribute to memory?

Recently, Wirth et al. reported that hippocampal neurons signal the acquisition of new associations by altering the selectivity of their responses to crucial stimuli. The course of these changes was gradual, with some neurons recruited before, others at the time of, and yet others shortly after learning. These observations suggest the hippocampus might contribute to memory by identifying consistencies across experiences that constitute important new associations.     

Altruism or psychological escape: Why does empathy promote prosocial behavior?

Why does empathy promote prosocial behavior? Previous research suggests that empathically aroused individuals help those in need, even when physical escape from the need situation is easy, and this evidence has been used to support the claim that empathy evokes an altruistic motive. However, existing research has not addressed the possibility that empathically aroused participants help because ease of physical escape fails to provide adequate psychological escape from awareness of the victim's suffering and the aversive empathic arousal such awareness produces. The two experiments reported here examined this issue by directly manipulating empathic arousal and the perceived ease of psychological escape among potential helpers. In both experiments, higher rates of helping were observed among empathically aroused participants, even under conditions of easy psychological escape. The findings of both experiments suggest that empathy evokes an altruistic motive to reduce the victim's suffering rather than an egoistic aversive‐arousal reduction motive. In addition, the results of Experiment 1 suggest that concern for psychological escape from the suffering of others may constitute an important independent prosocial motive in need of future study. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.