Transition from the Early 40s to the Early 50s in Sell-Directed Women

How does personality type moderate personality change in middle age? Answers to this question were sought with three observer-based measures of self-directedness (autonomy, hypersensitivity, and willfulness) scored from the California Q-set when the participants in the Mills longitudinal study were age 43. From their early 40s to early 50s, high scorers on autonomy (healthy self-directedness) increased on California Psychological Inventory measures of impulse control and agency, and continued their involvement in high-status occupational careers. Despite increases in impulse control, the hypersensitive women had not increased in agency and expressed boredom in major social roles. In their early 50s, high scorers on willfulness increased in agency but not impulse control. In social roles, they perceived themselves as stimulating and creative.     

Narcissism in Midlife: Longitudinal Changes in and Correlates of Women's Narcissistic Personality Traits

We examined changes in and correlates of 3 kinds of narcissism-hypersensitivity, willfulness, and autonomy-during middle adulthood. Few studies have examined narcissistic personality traits beyond young adulthood, and none has assessed longitudinal changes in narcissism during midlife. In a sample of 70 college-educated women, we found that observer ratings of hypersensitive narcissism were associated with more negative outcomes at ages 43 and 53 (i.e., more depressive symptoms and physical health problems, lower life satisfaction and well-being). Ratings of willfulness and autonomy predicted more positive outcomes. All 3 kinds of narcissism showed considerable rank-order stability over 10 years, but there were also mean-level changes: Hypersensitivity and autonomy decreased, whereas willfulness increased. More positive outcomes were associated with decreases in hypersensitivity and increases in willfulness and autonomy. However, in multivariate analyses, autonomy did not show any significant associations with women's health and well-being outcomes, suggesting that it may have less predictive utility compared to hypersensitivity and willfulness. Our findings highlight developmental changes in and correlates of women's narcissistic personality traits and the importance of assessing different aspects of narcissism in midlife.     

Spiritual Seeking,Narcissism, and Psychotherapy: How Are They Related?

This study used data from a long-term longitudinal study of men and women to examine the relations among spirituality, narcissism, and psychotherapy. The findings indicated that in late adulthood (age late 60s/mid 70s) spirituality was related to autonomous or healthy narcissism but was unrelated to willful (overt) or hypersensitive (covert) narcissism, two pathological forms of the construct. Autonomy in early adulthood (age 30s) was a significant predictor of spirituality in late adulthood (a time interval of close to 40 years) and this relation was mediated by involvement in psychotherapy in midlife. Autonomy was related positively, and hypersensitivity was related negatively, to concern for the welfare of future generations. These findings are discussed in light of current concerns about the social implications of the therapeutic culture.     

Implications of college-age narcissism for psychosocial functioning at midlife: Findings from a longitudinal study of women

Positive and negative implications of two types of college-age narcissism on psychosocial functioning at midlife were studied in a longitudinal sample of women. Both types were scored with self-report measures when the women were, on the average, age 21. Throughout the first half of their adult life, high scorers on covert narcissism presented themselves as lacking in confidence and having low morale; high scorers on overt narcissism described themselves as wanting admiration, being independent, and being forceful. Positive outcomes associated with covert narcissism included the development of insight and of a differentiated sense of the self and, in the case of overt narcissism, entailed an involvement in high-status and creative work careers. At midlife, high scorers on covert narcissism experienced negative affect and feelings of being neglected, whereas high scorers on overt narcissism experienced family conflict and problems with impulse control. The personality characteristics associated with both types of narcissism remained stable from the early 20s to early 50s.     

Personality change in women from college to midlife

Personality scores of female college seniors studied in 1958 or 1960, again when they were 27 years old, and again when they were 43 show significant mean changes and high stability coefficients on the California Psychological Inventory, Joffe-Naditch coping scales, Adjective Check List, and other measures. Changes in personality were largely consistent with theories of adult development. In these women, a major factor associated with change appears to be an increase in sex role specialization in their late 20s and a decrease in their later years that is accompanied by increases in confidence, dominance, and coping skills. The normative pattern of change was not confined to women on any one particular life path, but was most pronounced in women who actively engaged in some "social clock project."     

Plaster or Plasticity: Are Adult Work Experiences Associated with Personality Change in Women?

ABSTRACT The present study tested whether work experiences were associated with personality change across two periods of adulthood (age 21 to 27 and 27 to 43) in a longitudinal sample of women ( N = 81). Two competing theoretical perspectives were tested: the plaster theory, which claims that personality does not change after age 30, and the plasticity theory, which claims that personality can change at any time in adulthood. Evidence was found for both correlational consistency of personality in adulthood and for the socialization effect of work on personality change. Work experiences were not associated with personality change in young adulthood but were associated with changes between young adulthood and midlife. In the period from age 27 to age 43 women who worked more became more agentic, and women who were more successful in their work became both more agentic and more normadhering. This pattern of associations between personality change and work experience provided support for the plasticity model of personality change.     

Narcissism through the ages: What happens when narcissists grow older?

Three types of adult narcissism, as assessed with Wink’s (1991) observational rating method, were studied over a period of 25 years, with participants from the Intergenerational Studies of the Institute of Human Development, UC Berkeley. Narcissism was assessed on three occasions, from age 34 to age 59. Hypersensitive narcissism was found to decrease, Autonomous narcissism increased, and Willfulness narcissism did not change with age. At age 34, both Willfulness and Autonomous narcissism were related to agentic personality characteristics, but only Autonomous narcissism was related to the communal personality characteristic of empathy. Change in narcissism between age 34 and age 59 was shown to predict change in personality at age 71. The agentic personality characteristics that had been associated with Willfulness narcissism at age 34 were no longer characteristic of those individuals at age 71. In addition, in contrast to Autonomous narcissism, at age 34 Willfulness and Hypersensitivity were associated with emotional maladjustment, and predicted continuing maladjustment and less favorable life outcomes in later life.     

PERSONALITY CHANGE IN WOMEN PHYSICIANS FROM MEDICAL STUDENT YEARS TO MID-40S

Scales from the California Psychological Inventory's (CPI; Gough, 1987) Externality and Control clusters, in conjunction with a case study, were used to investigate personality change in a sample of women physicians who entered a Pacific Northwest medical school in 1964–1967. A core of 40 women was retested in their early 30s and mid-40s. From mid-20s to early 30s, the physicians'decreased scores on CPI's Sociability and Empathy scales indicated a greater internality. Decreases on the Responsibility and Good Impression scales indicated greater tendencies to question duties and obligations. An increase on the Achievement-via-Conformance scale indicated greater ability to achieve in structured situations. From early 30s to mid-40s, a further shift toward internality was evidenced by decreased scores on Social Presence and Self-Acceptance. Gains in leadership potential and increases on the Responsibility, Self-Control, Good Impression, and Achievement-via-Conformance scales were also noted.     

What have you done for me lately? Friendship-selection in the shadow of the Dark Triad traits

The current studies examined how the Dark Triad personality traits (i.e., Machiavellianism, narcissism, and psychopathy) facilitate the strategic structuring of an individual's social environment in terms of same- and opposite-sex friends. In one study using normative questions (N = 267) and another using a budget-allocation task (N = 114), we found that the Dark Triad traits were associated with choosing friends for strategic purposes and to create a volatile environment. Narcissistic individuals reported relatively more reasons to form friendships, such as shared interests, makes me feel good, and intelligence. Women high in narcissism chose same-sex friends who were attractive and women high on Machiavellianism chose same-sex friends who have social status. Men high on psychopathy devalued traits associated with good social relationships in favor of friends who could facilitate their mating efforts and to offset risks incurred in their life history strategy. Results are discussed using the selection-manipulation-evocation framework for explaining how personality traits interact with social environments and integrated with findings from evolutionary biology.     

Narcissism and Discrepancy Between Self and Friends' Perceptions of Personality

Most research on narcissism and person perception has used strangers as perceivers. However, research has demonstrated that strangers' ratings are influenced by narcissists' stylish appearance (Back, Schmukle, & Egloff, 2010). In the present study, we recruited participants and their close friends, individuals whose close relationship should immunize them to participants' superficial appearance cues. We investigated the relation between narcissism and personality ratings by self and friends. Participants (N = 66; 38 women; M_age = 20.83 years) completed the Narcissistic Personality Inventory (Raskin & Terry, 1988) and described their personality on the 100‐item California Adult Q‐Sort (CAQ; Block, 2008). Participants' personality was also described on the CAQ by close friends. The “optimally adjusted individual” prototype was used to summarize participant and friend personality ratings (Block, 2008). Participants with high narcissism scores were ascribed higher optimal adjustment by self than by friends. Narcissistic individuals' self‐ratings were extremely positive and more favorable than friends' ratings of them.     

Selfie posting behaviors are associated with narcissism among men

Although many studies have investigated individual differences in online social networking, few have examined the recent and rapidly popularized social phenomenon of the “selfie” (a selfportrait photograph of oneself). In two studies with a pooled sample of 1296 men and women, we tested the prediction that individuals who score high on four narcissism sub-scales (Self-sufficiency, Vanity, Leadership, and Admiration Demand) will be more likely to post selfies to social media sites than will individuals who exhibit low narcissism. We examined three categories of selfies: own selfies; selfies with a romantic partner; and group selfies, controlling for non-selfie photographs. Women posted more selfies of all types than did men. However, women’s selfie-posting behavior was generally unrelated to their narcissism scores. In contrast, men’s overall narcissism scores positively predicted posting own selfies, selfies with a partner, and group selfies. Moreover, men’s Vanity, Leadership, and Admiration Demand scores each independently predicted the posting of one or more types of selfies. Our findings provide the first evidence that the link between narcissism and selfie-posting behavior is comparatively weak among women than men, and provide novel insight into the social motivations and functions of online social networking.     

Identity consolidation in early adulthood: relations with ego-resiliency, the context of marriage, and personality change

Identity consolidation during early adulthood was conceptualized as a process of investing oneself in new adult roles, responsibilities, and contexts and evaluating one's ongoing experience in order to construct a coherent, grounded, and positive identity. The current study longitudinally examined (age 21 to age 27) the roles of ego-resiliency, an important personality resource, and marriage, an important identity context, in the process of identity consolidation as it unfolded in a cohort of women who experienced early adulthood during the early 1960s. Prototypes of identity in marriage were developed to reflect the different ways these women invested and evaluated their identities in the context of marriage. Results showed that ego-resiliency at age 21 and the experience of identity in marriage at age 27 were both related to identity consolidation at age 27, and findings also suggested that the relation of age 21 ego-resiliency to age 27 identity consolidation was mediated by identity in marriage. Finally, successful identity consolidation was associated with increasing ego-resiliency from age 21 to age 27. Discussion focuses on the interaction between personality and social context in the process of identity consolidation and the role of identity consolidation in personality change.     

How much do narcissists really like themselves? Using the bogus pipeline procedure to better understand the self-esteem of narcissists

Narcissism is considered to be a pathological form of self-love but the extent to which narcissists actually like themselves is unclear. The present study utilized the bogus pipeline technique in order to examine how narcissists actually feel about themselves. Participants were 71 women who completed measures of narcissism and self-esteem before responding to a self-esteem measure under either bogus pipeline or control conditions. Women with high levels of narcissism reported lower levels of self-esteem in the bogus pipeline condition than the control condition. This suggests that women with high levels of narcissism may not actually feel as good about themselves as they often claim.     

Dark traits: Sometimes hot,and sometimes not? Female preferences for Dark Triad faces depend on sociosexuality and contraceptive use

Although the Dark Triad personality (i.e., Machiavellianism, narcissism, and psychopathy) has been researched widely, only few studies have investigated women's preferences for men who present high and low Dark Triad features. With an on-line two-alternative forced choice questionnaire we investigated the interaction between preferences of 1962 Finnish women for facial stimuli that differed in the intensity of the Dark Triad traits, accounting for mating context, contraceptive use, and sexual openness (sociosexuality). Among non-contraceptive-using women, unrestricted sociosexuality was positively correlated with preference for high narcissistic male faces, whereas in contraceptive-using women, sociosexuality correlated negatively with preference for high Machiavellian male faces. We suggest that i) facial cues to Dark Triad traits are detectable by women, but ii) their effect on the judgments of attractiveness may vary depending on sociosexuality and contraceptive use, and that iii) preference for narcissism follows similar variation trends as masculinity preference, depending on sociosexuality and the use of hormonal contraception.     

Adolescent Narcissism,Aggression, and Prosocial Behavior: The Relevance of Socially Desirable Responding

An important threat to validity in personality research pertains to an individual's motivation to respond in a socially desirable manner on self-report inventories. This issue was examined in this study in the context of narcissism, aggression, and prosocial behavior in a sample of at-risk adolescents. Participants were 161 adolescents (128 males, 29 females, 4 not reported) ranging in age from 16 to 19 years who were attending a residential program for youth who have dropped out of school. Overall, socially desirable response tendencies were negatively correlated with vulnerable narcissism and self-reported aggression. Moreover, low socially desirable responses strengthened the relation between narcissism and self-reported aggression. Socially desirable responding was not associated with self- or peer-reported prosocial behavior and did not moderate the relation between narcissism and prosocial behavior. These findings indicate that the relation between narcissism and aggression is attenuated by concerns with social desirability. However, further work is needed in broader samples of adolescents to more closely examine whether social desirability concerns actually mitigate aggression among some youth or signify underreporting of one's problem behaviors.     

#Me: Narcissism and its facets as predictors of selfie-posting frequency

“Selfies” are amateur photographs people take of themselves, usually with a smartphone. Sharing selfies on social media has become a popular activity, prompting questions about its psychological meaning and dispositionally-relevant motives. This study was performed to examine the association between narcissism, a personality trait characterized by inflated self-views and attempts to seek attention and admiration from others, and frequency of posting selfies on social networking sites. In addition, the association between posting selfies and three facets of narcissism (i.e., Leadership/Authority, Grandiose Exhibitionism, Entitlement/Exploitativeness) was explored. These questions were addressed in a nationally representative sample of 1204 men and women who completed an online survey. Results showed that narcissism, as well as the Leadership/Authority and Grandiose Exhibitionism facets, but not Entitlement/Exploitativeness, exhibited positive and significant associations with selfie-posting frequency. Age did not moderate the predictive effects of narcissism or any of its three dimensions, indicating that the relationship between narcissism, its facets, and posting selfies is not age dependent. However, the more adaptive Leadership/Authority facet emerged as a stronger predictor of selfie posting among women than men, whereas the maladaptive Entitlement/Exploitativeness facet predicted selfie posting among men, but not women. Interpretations and implications of these findings are discussed.     

Background and career orientations of women with mathematical aptitude

A “person-thing” career motivation continuum was tested as a model for structuring this investigation of the personal characteristics and career influences of women in mathematics who entered teaching or nonteaching careers. Women mathematicians who chose to teach were hypothesized to be more person-oriented in career development (i.e., they would be more influenced in the development of career interest by people). In contrast, women who chose careers in mathematically oriented fields, until recently considered nontraditional for their sex (engineering, physical science, accounting, economics, computer science), were expected to be more attracted to the “ideas” or “things” of mathematics.This hypothesis was tested in its null form by comparing personality traits and career influences for two groups of university senior women. Each group was composed of 30 subjects who had elected at least 24 semester credit hours in mathematics. Subjects were randomly selected after individuals were first stratified into two groups, according to whether they chose teaching or nonteaching careers in math-related areas.Second order personality traits derived from subjects' responses to Cattell's 16 PF Questionnaire were employed to assess personality differences. A biographical questionnaire was utilized for collecting data relative to career-influence factors. Multivariate analysis of variance and chi square statistical models were employed for data analysis.The two groups differed significantly in overall personality profiles. This difference was related to the nonteaching group's having scored significantly higher (than did the teaching group) on both the creativity and independence personality factors. Related to career influence, the nonteaching women appeared to develop their interests in mathematics somewhat earlier than did their counterparts who chose to teach. Women teachers were more attracted to their careers because of the influence of people engaged in mathematically oriented work. More of the nonteaching women cited influences associated with mathematics, itself, such as books, demonstrations and independent studies, as paramount in their career decision-making. Also, men were seen as more influential in fostering their career development by the non-teaching group, while in contrast, the teachers chose women as more influential in the development of their interests in mathematics.These findings appear to support the “person-thing” hypothesis associated with the development of career interests for women in mathematics.     

Longitudinal analysis of midlife generativity, intergenerational roles, and caregiving

Items from the California Adult Q-Sort (CAQ) were used to assess psychosocial generativity (E. H. Erikson, 1950) in a sample of educated women at midlife. CAQ scores measured at age 43 demonstrated convergent validity with an inventory measure of generativity assessed at age 53. According to other longitudinal analyses, women who attained a generative stance at age 43 reported greater investment 10 years later in intergenerational roles (e.g., daughter, mother) but not nonintergenerational ones (e.g., friend, sister). Generative women also reported less subjective burden in caring for aging parents and more knowledge about community elder care programs. Further evidence suggests that participants felt embedded in a reciprocal caregiving network in which they themselves were the recipients of care.