The bigram trough hypothesis and the syllable number effect in lexical decision

There has been an increasing volume of evidence supporting the role of the syllable in various word processing tasks. It has, however, been suggested that syllable effects may be caused by orthographic redundancy. In particular, it has been proposed that the presence of bigram troughs at syllable boundaries cause what are seen as syllable effects. We investigated the bigram trough hypothesis as an explanation of the number of syllables effect for lexical decision in five-letter words and nonwords from the British Lexicon Project. The number of syllables made a significant contribution to prediction of lexical decision times along with word frequency and orthographic similarity. The presence of a bigram trough did not. For nonwords, the number of syllables made a significant contribution to prediction of lexical decision times only for nonwords with relatively long decision times. The presence of a bigram trough made no contribution. The evidence presented suggests that the bigram trough cannot be an explanation of the syllable number effect in lexical decision. A comparison of the results from words and nonwords is interpreted as providing some support for dual-route models of reading.     

Bigram Frequency,Number of Syllables and Morphemes and Their Effects on Lexical Decision and Word Naming

There has been an increasing volume of evidence supporting the role of the syllable in word processing tasks. Recently it has also been shown that orthographic redundancy, related to the pattern of bigram frequencies, could not explain the syllable number effect on lexical decision times. This was demonstrated on a large sample of words taken from the British Lexicon Project. In this study we extend this research by examining both lexical decision and word naming times taken from the English Lexicon Project . There was a syllable number effect for both tasks in the expected direction, and this effect was independent of the presence of a bigram trough. The research also examined the role of other bigram related variables and the number of morphemes on lexical decision and word naming times. The number of morphemes had a significant effect on both word processing tasks, with words with more morphemes producing faster reaction times and also fewer errors. This pattern was reversed for nonword lexical decision times. The results are discussed in the light of recent developments in models of reading.     

Effects of subphonetic and syllable structure variation on word recognition

This study explored whether natural acoustic variations as exemplified by either subphonetic changes or syllable structure changes affect word recognition processes. Subphonetic variations were realized by differences in the voice-onset time (VOT) value of initial voiceless stop consonants, and syllable structure variations were realized by vowel deletion in initial unstressed syllables in multisyllable words. An auditory identity priming paradigm was used to determine whether the amount of facilitation obtained to a target stimulus in a lexical decision task was affected by the presence of these acoustic variations in a prime stimulus. Results revealed different patterns for the two types of variability as a function of lexical status. In the case of subphonetic variations, shortening of VOT resulted in reduced facilitation for words but not for nonwords, whereas in the case of syllable structure variation, vowel deletion in an unstressed syllable resulted in reduced facilitation for nonwords and increased facilitation for words. These findings indicate that subphonetic variability interferes with word recognition, whereas syllable structure variability does not, and that this effect is independent of the magnitude of the acoustic difference between a citation form and its variant. Furthermore, the results suggest that the lexical status of the target item plays a crucial role in the processing of both types of variability. Results are considered in relation to current models of word recognition.     

Do transposed-letter similarity effects occur at a syllable level?

One key issue for any computational model of visual word recognition is the choice of an input coding scheme for assigning letter position. Recent research has shown that transposed-letter similarity effects occur even when the transposed letters are not adjacent (caniso-casino; Perea & Lupker, 2004, JML). In the present study we conducted two single-presentation lexical decision experiments to examine whether transposed-letter effects occur at a syllable level. We tested two types of nonwords: (1) nonwords created by transposing two internal CV syllables (PRIVEMARA; the base word is primavera, the Spanish for spring) and (2) nonwords created by transposing two adjacent bigrams that do not form a syllable (PRIMERAVA). We also created the appropriate orthographic control conditions, in which the critical letters were replaced instead of being switched. Results showed that the transposition of two syllables or two adjacent bigrams produced a quite robust (and similar) transposed-letter effect. Thus, transposed-letter effects seem to occur at an early orthographic, graphemic level, rather than at a syllable level. We examine the implications of the observed results for the input coding schemes in visual word recognition.     

Neighborhood Effects on Nonword Visual Processing in a Language with Shallow Orthography

Neighborhood size and neighborhood frequency were orthogonally varied in two experiments on Italian nonwords. In Experiment 1, an inhibitory effect of neighborhood frequency on visual lexical decision was found: The presence of one high-frequency neighbor increased response latencies and error rates to nonwords. By contrast, no effect of neighborhood size and no neighborhood size x neighborhood frequency interaction were found. In Experiment 2, a facilitatory effect of neighborhood size on nonword naming was shown: Naming latencies were faster when nonwords had a large neighborhood. In the naming experiment, there was no effect of neighbors' frequency and no neighborhood size x neighborhood frequency interaction. An additional role for bigram frequency was found whereas syllable frequency did not give any independent contribution. These results further corroborate the view that, in a language with transparent orthography like Italian, despite a substantial contribution of sublexical print-to-sound mapping due to the language's high regularity/consistency, reading aloud of nonlexical material may benefit from the contribution of the lexical component.     

A challenging dissociation in masked identity priming with the lexical decision task

The masked priming technique has been used extensively to explore the early stages of visual-word recognition. One key phenomenon in masked priming lexical decision is that identity priming is robust for words, whereas it is small/unreliable for nonwords. This dissociation has usually been explained on the basis that masked priming effects are lexical in nature, and hence there should not be an identity prime facilitation for nonwords. We present two experiments whose results are at odds with the assumption made by models that postulate that identity priming is purely lexical, and also challenge the assumption that word and nonword responses are based on the same information. Our experiments revealed that for nonwords, but not for words, matched-case identity PRIME–TARGET pairs were responded to faster than mismatched-case identity prime–TARGET pairs, and this phenomenon was not modulated by the lowercase/uppercase feature similarity of the stimuli.     

The processing of lexical stress during visual word recognition: Typicality effects and orthographic correlates

Many studies that have examined reading at the single-word level have been restricted to the processing of monosyllabic stimuli, and, as a result, lexical stress has not been widely investigated. In the experiments reported here, we used disyllabic words and nonwords to investigate the processing of lexical stress during visual word recognition. In Experiments 1 and 2, we found an effect of stress typicality in naming and lexical decision. Typically stressed words (trochaic nouns and iambic verbs) elicited fewer errors than atypically stressed words (iambic nouns and trochaic verbs). In Experiment 3, we carried out an analysis of 340 word endings and found clear orthographic correlates of both grammatical category and lexical stress in word endings. In Experiment 4, we demonstrated that readers are sensitive to these cues in their processing of nonwords during two tasks: sentence construction and stress assignment. We discuss the implications of these findings with regard to psycholinguistic models of single-word reading.     

The processing of lexical stress during visual word recognition: typicality effects and orthographic correlates

Many studies that have examined reading at the single-word level have been restricted to the processing of monosyllabic stimuli, and, as a result, lexical stress has not been widely investigated. In the experiments reported here, we used disyllabic words and nonwords to investigate the processing of lexical stress during visual word recognition. In Experiments 1 and 2, we found an effect of stress typicality in naming and lexical decision. Typically stressed words (trochaic nouns and iambic verbs) elicited fewer errors than atypically stressed words (iambic nouns and trochaic verbs). In Experiment 3, we carried out an analysis of 340 word endings and found clear orthographic correlates of both grammatical category and lexical stress in word endings. In Experiment 4, we demonstrated that readers are sensitive to these cues in their processing of nonwords during two tasks: sentence construction and stress assignment. We discuss the implications of these findings with regard to psycholinguistic models of single-word reading.     

Associated or dissociated effects of syllable frequency in lexical decision and naming

Most empirical work investigating the role of syllable frequency in visual word recognition has focused on the Spanish language, in which syllable frequency seems to produce a classic dissociation: inhibition in lexical decision tasks but facilitation in naming. In the present study, two experiments were run in German, using identical stimulus materials, in a lexical decision task and a naming task. In both tasks, there was an inhibitory effect for words with a high-frequency first syllable. This pattern of results, suggesting a stronger weight of lexical access in the naming process in German than in Spanish, is discussed with regard to the issue of stress assignment in the two languages and within the framework of word production models. Items, mean response latencies, and accuracy rates per item for both experiments can be downloaded from www.psychonomic.org/archive.     

Processing of Syllables in Production and Recognition Tasks

Empirical evidence for a functional role of syllables in visual word processing is abundant, however it remains rather heterogeneous. The present study aims to further specify the role of syllables and the cognitive accessibility of syllabic information in word processing. The first experiment compared performance across naming and lexical decision tasks by manipulating the number of syllables in words and non-words. Results showed a syllable number effect in both the naming task and the lexical decision task. The second experiment introduced a stimulus set consisting of isolated syllabic and non-syllabic trigrams. Syllable frequency was manipulated in a naming and in a decision task requiring participants to decide on the syllabic status of letter strings. Results showed faster responses for syllables than for non-syllables in both tasks. Syllable frequency effects were observed in the decision task. In summary, the results from these manipulations of different types of syllable information confirm an important role of syllabic units in both recognition and production.     

Lexical and sublexical knowledge influences the encoding,storage, and articulation of nonwords

Nonword repetition (NWR) has been used extensively in the study of child language. Although lexical and sublexical knowledge is known to influence NWR performance, there has been little examination of the NWR processes (e.g., encoding, storage, and articulation) that may be affected by lexical and sublexical knowledge. We administered two- and three-syllable spoken nonword recognition and nonword repetition tests on two independent groups of 31 children (mean age = 5 years 7 months). Spoken nonword recognition primarily involves encoding and storage, whereas NWR involves an additional articulation process. The influence of lexical and sublexical knowledge was determined by examining the number of lexical errors produced. There was clear involvement of long-term lexical and sublexical knowledge in both spoken nonword recognition and NWR. In spoken nonword recognition, twice as many errors involved selecting a foil that contained a lexical item (e.g., ‘yashukup’) as involved selecting a foil that contained only nonsense syllables (e.g., ‘yashunup’). In repetition, over 30% of errors changed a nonsense syllable to a lexical item. Our results show that long-term lexical and sublexical knowledge is pervasive in NWR. Any explanation of NWR performance must therefore consider the influence of lexical and sublexical knowledge throughout the whole repetition process, from the encoding to the articulation of nonwords.     

Masked priming of words and nonwords in a naming task: Further evidence for a nonlexical basis for priming

Masked priming effects in word identification tasks such as lexical decision and word naming have been attributed to a lexical mechanism whereby the masked prime opens a lexical entry corresponding to the target word. Two experiments are reported in which masked repetition priming effects of similar magnitude were obtained with word and nonword targets in a naming task. Masked orthographic priming was more stable for word than for nonword targets, although morphological primes produced no advantage beyond that achieved by matched orthographic primes. These results, taken together with the recent finding that repetition priming of nonwords can be obtained in the lexical decision task, support the view that masked priming of words and nonwords has a nonlexical component. We suggest that masked primes can enhance target identification by contributing to the construction of an orthographic or a phonological representation of the target, regardless of the target's lexical status.     

The effect of preview eccentricity in a lexical decision task

We report lexical decision experiments in which eye movements and lexical decision time were analysed. The results show that nonwords produced more fixation than words, and that the time to make a lexical decision was also greater for nonwords. Further, a preview of the stimulus was presented on some occasions either at fixation or peripherally. When the presentation was peripheral the number of refixations and lexical decision times were reduced. Parafoveal previews of words also reduced word length effects on refixations and lexical decision time. These effects decreased (for nonwords) when the case of the letters was changed in the preview. These results are compatible with the idea that the peripheral preview benefit derives from word visual structure in addition to information about word length, word envelope, and single letter identities.     

ERPs and morphological processing: the N400 and semantic composition

Both behavioral and electrophysiological evidence suggests that fluent readers decompose morphologically complex words into their constituent parts. Previous event-related potential (ERP) research has been equivocal with regard to whether the N400 component indexes morphological decomposition or the integration of the products of decomposition, a process called semantic composition. In a visual lexical decision task with college students, we recorded ERPs to a well-controlled set of words and nonwords made up of bound morphemes (discern, predict; disject, percern) or free morphemes (cobweb, earring; cobline, bobweb) and monomorphemic control words and nonwords (garlic, minnow; gartus, buzlic). For each of the three morphological types, participants were faster to respond to words than to nonwords. Furthermore, for each of the three morphological types, the amplitude of the N400 was more negative to nonwords than to matched words, an effect indicating that the N400 is more sensitive to the lexicality of the whole stimulus than to the meaningfulness of the constituent parts of the stimulus. The N400 lexicality effect was not significantly different across the three morphological types. To our knowledge, this is the first ERP study to directly compare the processing of printed sets of words composed of bound and free morphemes and monomorphemic control stimuli in order to explore the relative sensitivity of the N400 to morphological decomposition (i.e., the status of the parts) and semantic composition (i.e., the status of the whole). Our findings are consistent with an interpretation of the N400 as an index of a process of semantic composition.     

Semantic involvement in the lexical and sentence processing of Japanese kanji

This study examined how skilled Japanese readers activate semantic information when reading kanji compound words at both the lexical and sentence levels. Experiment 1 used a lexical decision task for two-kanji compound words and nonwords. When nonwords were composed of kanji that were semantically similar to the kanji of real words, reaction times were longer and error rates were higher than when nonwords had kanji that were not semantically similar. Experiment 2 used a proofreading task (detection of kanji miscombinations) for the same two-kanji compound words and nonwords at the sentence level. In this task, semantically similar nonwords were detected faster than dissimilar nonwords, but error rates were much higher for the semantically similar nonwords. Experiment 3 used a semantic decision task for sentences with the same two-kanji compound words and nonwords. It took longer to detect semantically similar nonwords than dissimilar nonwords. This indicates that semantic involvement in the processing of Japanese kanji produces different effects, depending on whether this processing is done at the lexical or sentence level, which in turn is related to where the reader's attention lies.     

The role of the syllable in lexical segmentation in French: word-spotting data

Three word-spotting experiments assessed the role of syllable onsets and offsets in lexical segmentation. Participants detected CVC words embedded initially or finally in bisyllabic nonwords with aligned (CVC.CVC) or misaligned (CV.CCVC) syllabic structure. A misalignment between word and syllable onsets (Experiment 1) produced a greater perceptual cost than a misalignment between word and syllable offsets (Experiments 2 and 3). These results suggest that listeners rely on syllable onsets to locate the beginning of words. The implications for theories of lexical access in continuous speech are discussed.     

How to say "no" to a nonword: a leaky competing accumulator model of lexical decision

We describe a leaky competing accumulator (LCA) model of the lexical decision task that can be used as a response/decision module for any computational model of word recognition. The LCA model uses evidence for a word, operationalized as some measure of lexical activity, as input to the YES decision node. Input to the NO decision node is simply a constant value minus evidence for a word. In this way, evidence for a nonword is a function of time from stimulus onset (as in standard deadline models) modulated by lexical activity via the competitive dynamics of the LCA. We propose a simple mechanism for determining the value of this constant online during the first trials of a lexical decision experiment, such that the model can rapidly optimize speed and accuracy in discriminating words from nonwords. Further optimization is achieved via trial-by-trial adjustments in response criteria as a function of task demands and list context. We show that the LCA model can simulate mean response times and response distributions for correct and incorrect YES and NO decisions for a number of benchmark experiments that have been shown to be fatal for deadline models of lexical decision. Finally, using lexical activity calculated by a computational model of word recognition as input to the LCA decision module, we provide the first item-level simulation of both word and nonword responses in a large-scale database.     

Lexical and sublexical processes in the perception of transposed-letter anagrams

Evidence from priming and lexical decision tasks suggests that nonwords created by transposing adjacent letter pairs (TL nonwords) are very effective in activating lexical representations of their base words, because the process of orthographic matching tolerates minor changes in letter position. However, this account disregards the possible role of sublexical processing in reading. TL nonwords are perceptually ambiguous, with lexical and sublexical processing giving rise to conflicting interpretations. The consequences of this ambiguity were investigated in a lexical decision experiment with primes that were either high or low bigram frequency TL versions of target words. Priming effects were much larger for low BF primes (e.g., pucnh-PUNCH) than for high BF primes (e.g., panit-PAINT). This finding is interpreted as evidence that lexical activation can be inhibited by competing output resulting from sublexical processing of TL letter string. We conclude that phonological processing is an important determinant of responses to TL stimuli, and we consider how this interpretation might be accommodated within the dual-route cascaded (DRC) model of word recognition.     

Cascaded versus noncascaded models of lexical and semantic processing: the turple effect

The density of the orthographic neighborhood surrounding an item has been shown to have an inhibitory effect for nonwords in a lexical decision experiment. Four experiments are reported investigating whether a similar pattern holds for a semantic categorization task (animal vs. non-animal). In the first experiment, no effects of neighborhood density were found for nonexemplars, whether they were words or nonwords. The absence of any inhibitory effect for nonwords implies that close orthographic neighbors are ignored. However, the second experiment showed that if the nonword has a neighbor that is an animal name (eg., turple), an interference effect is observed, implying that neighbors do exert an effect if they have the right semantic properties. The same items showed no additional interference in lexical decision. These results suggest the involvement of semantic properties very early in the processing cycle. A cascaded processing system monitoring activation in semantic features can explain these results, but cannot explain the frequency effect observed for nonexemplar words or the fact that variation in density is irrelevant when one of the neighbors is an exemplar. It is argued that existing models of semantic categorization must be extended to accommodate these results.     

The processing of pseudohomophones by adults with a history of developmental language disabilities

Psuedohomophones are nonwords that sound like real words (e.g., BRANE). These items were used to gauge phonological access in adults who have experienced developmental language processing deficits (DLD). The standard effect for these items in lexical decision is an increase in response times over nonpseudohomophone nonwords. This disadvantage reflects phonological processing. In our first experiment the DLD group did not produce this pseudohomophone effect whereas in a second experiment they showed semantic priming effects when pseudohomophones were used as primes in lexical decision. The results therefore indicate that phonological processing of nonwords by adults with DLD can be uncovered under certain carefully controlled experimental conditions.