Implicit Representations of Political Leaders: A Multidimensional Analysis

Implicit cognitive representations of 20 salient political personalities (10 domestic, 10 foreign) were studied in two samples (N₁= 121; N₂= 129) over a 1-year interval. The aim of the study was to elaborate multidimensional models of voting preference by (a) representing the cognitive dimensions used by subjects in perceiving politicians, (b) contrasting perceptions of domestic and foreign leaders, (c) evaluating the effects of time, and (d) assessing individual differences between subjects on political perception. Judgments were analyzed by Carroll and Chang's (1970) Individual Differences Multidimensional Scaling (INDSCAL) procedure. Results showed that three implicit dimensions, evaluation, ideology , and leadership qualities, underlied perceptions of both domestic and foreign politicians. There were greater changes in perceptions of foreign and left-of-center leaders over the year than in judgments of domestic and right-of-center leaders; and individual differences such as attitudes, personality, and cognitive style were also significantly related to cognitive representations of politicians. Results were discussed in terms of their implications for predictive models of voting behavior, and the use of these methods in large-scale political surveys and polls is suggested.     

From left to right: Processing acronyms referring to names of political parties activates spatial associations

In line with previous studies, showing that abstract concepts like “power” or “god” implicitly activate spatial associations, in the present study we hypothesized that spatial associations are coactivated during the processing of acronyms referring to names of political parties as well. In four studies, it was found that the reading of these acronyms was accompanied by the implicit activation of spatial left–right associations. That is, participants responded faster to left-wing parties by means of a left-hand button press and vice versa for right-wing parties (Experiments 1 to 3), and participants responded faster when a political acronym was presented at the side of the screen corresponding to the political orientation of the acronym (Experiment 4). Interestingly, a correlation was observed between the effect size for left-wing parties and participants' political preferences, suggesting that the reaction time effects reflect the perceived distance of a party to one's own political orientation. Together these findings indicate that spatial representations activated in response to political acronyms do not simply reflect lexical–semantic associations or spatial metaphors, but representations of parties' political orientation relative to one's own sociopolitical position.     

IMAGES OF CRIME: A MULTIDIMENSIONAL ANALYSIS OF INDIVIDUAL DIFFERENCES IN CRIME PERCEPTION

Implicit cognitive representations of crime were studied using a multidimensional scaling procedure, in order to determine (a) the dimensions underlying crime perception, (b) the relationship between such subjective dimensions and the objective seriousness and frequency of crimes, (c) the extent to which a priori crime categories such as offences against persons, property or public order are separated in cognitive space, and (d) the relationship between the judges' demographic, attitudinal, cognitive and personality characteristics and crime perception. Four dimensions, concern, violence, commonness and intentionality were found to underlie perceptions of crime. Objective crime characteristics such as seriousness were only loosely related to subjective representations and a priori crime categories were significantly differentiated in this cognitive space. The subjects' sex, political orientation and personality were significantly related to crime perception. The results are discussed in terms of the applicability of these techniques to the study of natural cognitions of crime by such groups are juries, judges, policemen, victims and criminals.     

Speaking two “Languages” in America: A semantic space analysis of how presidential candidates and their supporters represent abstract political concepts differently

In this article we report a computational semantic analysis of the presidential candidates’ speeches in the two major political parties in the USA. In Study One, we modeled the political semantic spaces as a function of party, candidate, and time of election, and findings revealed patterns of differences in the semantic representation of key political concepts and the changing landscapes in which the presidential candidates align or misalign with their parties in terms of the representation and organization of politically central concepts. Our models further showed that the 2016 US presidential nominees had distinct conceptual representations from those of previous election years, and these patterns did not necessarily align with their respective political parties’ average representation of the key political concepts. In Study Two, structural equation modeling demonstrated that reported political engagement among voters differentially predicted reported likelihoods of voting for Clinton versus Trump in the 2016 presidential election. Study Three indicated that Republicans and Democrats showed distinct, systematic word association patterns for the same concepts/terms, which could be reliably distinguished using machine learning methods. These studies suggest that given an individual’s political beliefs, we can make reliable predictions about how they understand words, and given how an individual understands those same words, we can also predict an individual’s political beliefs. Our study provides a bridge between semantic space models and abstract representations of political concepts on the one hand, and the representations of political concepts and citizens’ voting behavior on the other.     

Conceptual Organization of Self-representation: A Self-similarity Heuristic for Novel Person Representations

Implicit measures have revealed that cognitive representations of familiar individuals share associations with self-concept; however, this has yet to be established for novel individuals. We examined how self-similarity affects representation of information learned about new individuals. A novel version of the implicit association test (IAT), the self-similarity IAT, was developed to estimate the extent to which cognitive representations of new self-similar and self-dissimilar individuals are associated with self-representation. Categorization was faster when the self-similar individual was paired with self, not only for trait words related to the novel individuals, but also for unrelated demographic information pertaining only to self. This provides the first evidence using an implicit task that self-similarity may act as a heuristic for creating representations of new individuals.     

Political perception and political preference An exploratory study of Swedish political parties

Abstract.— Political perception was studied as a function of the perceiver's political viewpoint. The political stimuli used were the names of 9 Swedish political parties or organizations. Political viewpoint was defined by the person's political party preference. The subjects were 105 undergraduate psychology students. Different aspects of political party perception were studied concerning (a) perceived positions of the parties on a Left-Right continuum, ( b ) perceived similarity among parties, and (c) the number and nature of inferred dimensions and categories underlying the perception of the parties. With regard to (a) and (b), the analyses indicated systematic differences among political preference groups, whereas the number and nature of political dimensions seemed to be the same. Thus, for both socialists and nonsocialists the dimensions underlying the perception of Swedish political parties could be interpreted as "left-right", "extremity", and "religiosity".     

An Examination of Aggressive Beliefs and Attitudes in Relation to Political Affiliation and Candidate Endorsement in the United States

Abstract

Social cognition provides insight into why Americans are largely divided with strong partisan rifts. The purpose of this set of studies was to examine social cognitive forms of aggression in relation to political party affiliation and political candidate endorsement. In Study 1 (N?=?1,657), all forms of aggressive social cognitions (hostile attribution, potency, retribution, victimization by powerful others, derogation of target, and social discounting) were significantly associated with one or more political parties in some respect (Democrat, Republican, Independent). In Study 2 (N?=?579), participants who endorsed Bernie Sanders reported higher scores on victimization, while participants who endorsed Donald Trump reported scores high on potency (social cognitive forms of aggression were unrelated to support for Hillary Clinton or Ted Cruz beyond political ideology). Results suggest that current political division goes beyond mere differences in political ideology as fundamental aggression-related individual differences appear to covary with how partisans see political parties and primary candidates. Implications include the potential application of our findings to better managing political interpersonal dynamics. For example, knowing that divergent political beliefs and behaviors are associated with fundamental differences in how people perceive the same stimuli may ease partisan hostility, facilitate dialog, and increase willingness to compromise.     

Cognitive and Ideological Aspects of Divine Anthropomorphism

After overstressing the experiential andsui generisaspects of religion, recent scholarship has returned to the exploration of the cognitive dimensions of religious phenomena (while still neglecting their ideological and evolutionary aspects). This article explores the cognitive aspects of divine anthropomorphism, approaching anthropomorphism as a metaphor for human agency. At the same time, the ideological aspects of anthropomorphic representations are studied in the context of political centralization and the emergence of kingship, seeking to clarify the connections between anthropomorphism and basileomorphism.     

Implicit and explicit learning: individual differences and IQ

We explored the degree to which individual differences in performance were observed in a group of subjects who worked with two different tasks: one implicit and one explicit. The implicit task was a standard artificial grammar-learning task; the explicit was a series-completion problem-solving task. Substantial individual differences were found between subjects on the explicit task; relatively small individual differences were found on the implicit task. Moreover, performance on the explicit task correlated strongly with intelligence quotient, but performance on the implicit task did not. Data from previous experiments were also found to be in agreement with these results. The findings are presented in the context of a general theory of implicit learning proposed recently by Reber (1989a, in press) that derives from considerations of the evolution of cognitive processes. This evolutionary model argues that unconscious, implicit induction systems are evolutionarily older and antedate conscious, explicit learning processes, and that this antiquity carries with it particular patterns of function that differentiate implicit processes from explicit processes.     

Exploring the Attitudinal Structure of Partisanship

This study examined the structure of attitudes toward the political party an individual primarily identifies with and attitudes toward the other party with an emphasis on differentiating between the cognitive and affective components. Participants responded to a telephone survey that included measures of party identification, partisan attitudes, political information involvement activities, and voting behavior. Results indicated attitudes toward the parties were a function of both cognitive and affective components, although strong partisans had an attitudinal structure characterized as having a stronger cognitive component. Strong partisans were more polarized in their attitudes across parties. In addition, individuals with more cognitive‐affective ambivalence toward their own parties were less likely to vote, and their votes were less likely to be along party lines.     

God and Country: The Partisan Psychology of the Presidency,Religion, and Nation

Overt love of God and country have seemingly been prerequisites to be president in the United States in recent decades, if not always. Indeed, the 2008 presidential race was replete with campaign messages showcasing such perspectives—that Barack Obama and John McCain were religiously faithful and deeply patriotic. Scholarship demonstrates the potential political power of explicit appeals to America and Christianity; however, little research has examined (a) citizens' perceptions of candidates' ties to faith and nation and (b) how these impressions may be related to electoral attitudes and intended vote. We address this gap, measuring both explicit and implicit indicators of the Christian‐ness and American‐ness of Obama and McCain. We expected and found that both explicit and—in a final‐entry regression position—implicit perceptions of these traits related to voters' overall candidate attitudes and intended vote choice and that they were connected significantly more strongly for our sample of self‐described Republicans than Democrats. Results illuminate these partisan differences and raise questions about their implications for U.S. presidential politics in years to come.     

Cognitive functioning and socio-political ideology A multidimensional and individualized analysis

Abstract.— Relationships between certain cognitive behaviors within a political domain (i.e. Cognitive Differentiation, Cognitive Articulation) and certain dimensions of Socio-Political ideology (General Conservatism, Political-Economic Conservatism, Racism, Religion, Sexual Repression, and Authoritarian Aggression) were studied. Cognitive functioning was sampled via the use of uni- and multidimensional scaling analyses, with the stimuli consisting of Swedish political parties. Socio-Political ideology was defined by: (1) the S, Conservatism Scale and (2) the subjects' political party preferences. The subjects consisted of 105 psychology students from the University of Stockholm. The results showed that: ( a ) there were statistically significant relationships among the various indices of cognitive functioning based upon independent methods of assessment, and ( b ) there were statistically significant relationships between a number of cognitive functioning indices and certain dimensions of Socio-Political ideology. The results are discussed in terms of three hypotheses concerning the connection between Socio-Political ideology and certain forms of cognitive behavior.     

Personality Profiles and Political Parties

This paper explores relationships between basic personality profiles of voters and their political party preferences. The Italian political system has moved recently from previously extreme, ideologically distinctive parties to form complex coalitions varying around more centrist orientations. Significant evidence was found for the utility of the Five-Factor Model of Personality in distinguishing between voters' expressed preferences, even given this greater subtlety in proposed values and agendas. More than 2,000 Italian voters who self-identified as having voted for new center-left or center-right political coalitions differed systematically in predicted directions on several personality dimensions measured by the Big Five Questionnaire. In the context of the model, center-right voters displayed more Energy and slightly more Conscientiousness than center-left voters, whose dominant personality characteristics were Agreeableness (Friendliness) and Openness; Emotional Stability was unrelated to either group. This relationship between individual differences in personality and political preferences was not influenced by the demographic variables of voters' gender, age, or education. Thus, personality dimensions proved to be stronger predictors of political preference than any of these standard predictor variables. Implications are discussed regarding links among personality, persuasion, power, and politics.     

Family Traditions,Cultural Values,and the Clinician's Countertransference: Therapeutic Assessment of a Young Sicilian Woman

Despite recent advances in models and instruments to understand the role of a client's cultural background, clinical psychologists are not immune to implicit cultural biases that are potentially damaging to the therapeutic alliance. In this article, I present a Therapeutic Assessment with a young Sicilian woman conducted in a university-based student clinic in Italy. During the assessment, I assumed that because we were both Italians, my client shared my perspective (northern Italian) about family and individual values, which resulted in a therapeutic impasse when I responded on the basis of my individual and culturally shaped view of interpersonal and family relationships without appreciating important differences between my own and my client's microcultures. To overcome the impasse, I had to openly acknowledge such differences and reorient myself to my client's goals. I discuss the core processes involved in such a repair in the context of a cross-cultural psychological assessment.     

Implications of Pro‐ and Counterattitudinal Information Exposure for Affective Polarization

The American electorate is characterized by political polarization, and especially by increasingly negative affective responses toward opposing party members. To what extent might this be attributed to exposure to information reinforcing individuals' partisan identity versus information representing the views of partisan opponents? And is this a uniquely American phenomenon? This study uses survey data collected immediately following recent national elections in two countries, the United States and Israel, to address these questions. Results across the two nations are generally consistent, and indicate that pro‐ and counterattitudinal information exposure has distinct influences on perceptions of and attitudes toward members of opposing parties, despite numerous cross‐cultural differences. We discuss implications in light of recent evidence about partisans' tendency to engage in selective exposure.     

Linking Genes and Political Orientations: Testing the Cognitive Ability as Mediator Hypothesis

Recent research has demonstrated that genetic differences explain a sizeable fraction of the variance in political orientations, but little is known about the pathways through which genes might affect political preferences. In this article, we use a uniquely assembled dataset of almost 1,000 Swedish male twin pairs containing detailed information on cognitive ability and political attitudes in order to further examine the genetic and environmental causes of political orientations. Our study makes three distinct contributions to our understanding of the etiology of political orientations: (1) we report heritability estimates across different dimensions of political ideology; (2) we show that cognitive ability and political orientations are related; and (3) we provide evidence consistent with the hypothesis that cognitive ability mediates part of the genetic influence on political orientations. These findings provide important clues about the nature of the complex pathways from molecular genetic variation to political orientations.     

Implicit Theories of Persuasion

This research explores whether individuals have implicit theories of persuasion. The first study sought to understand how persuasive strategies are cognitively represented. Using multidimensional scaling, two dimensions were identified. The first dimension distinguishes the types of tactics used to bring about attitude change. The second dimension differentiated the social acceptability of the persuasive strategies. The second stage of this research explored the nature of people's implicit theories of persuasion. Experiment 1 demonstrated that implicit theories of persuasion are sensitive to the operation of multiple goals in a situation. Experiment 2 found that implicit theories of persuasion reflect the audience's familiarity with the topic. In Experiment 3, implicit theories were demonstrated to be sensitive to the topic-relevant knowledge of the communicator.