Identification of consonants and vowels presented to left and right ears

The results of earlier studies by several authors suggest that speech and nonspeech auditory patterns are processed primarily in different places in the brain and perhaps by different modes. The question arises in studies of speech perception whether all phonetic elements or all features of phonetic elements are processed in the same way. The technique of dichotic presentation was used to examine this question.

The present study compared identifications of dichotically presented pairs of synthetic CV syllables and pairs of steady-state vowels. The results show a significant right-ear advantage for CV syllables but not for steady-state vowels. Evidence for analysis by feature in the perception of consonants is discussed.     

Neurological evidence in support of a specialized phonetic processing module

Event-related potentials (ERPs) were utilized to study brain activity while subjects listened to speech and nonspeech stimuli. The effect of duplex perception was exploited, in which listeners perceive formant transitions that are isolated as nonspeech "chirps," but perceive formant transitions that are embedded in synthetic syllables as unique linguistic events with no chirp-like sounds heard at all (Mattingly et al., 1971). Brain ERPs were recorded while subjects listened to and silently identified plain speech-only tokens, duplex tokens, and tone glides (perceived as "chirps" by listeners). A highly controlled set of stimuli was developed that represented equivalent speech and nonspeech stimulus tokens such that the differences were limited to a single acoustic parameter: amplitude. The acoustic elements were matched in terms of number and frequency of components. Results indicated that the neural activity in response to the stimuli was different for different stimulus types. Duplex tokens had significantly longer latencies than the pure speech tokens. The data are consistent with the contention of separate modules for phonetic and auditory stimuli.     

Auditory and phonetic levels of processing in speech perception: neurophysiological and information-processing analyses.

Two new experimental operations were used to distinguish between auditory and phonetic levels of processing in speech perception: the first based on reaction time data in speeded classification tasks with synthetic speech stimuli, and the second based on average evoked potentials recorded concurrently in the same tasks. Each of four experiments compared the processing of two different dimensions of the same synthetic consonant-vowel syllables. When a phonetic dimensions was compared to an auditory dimension, different patterns of results were obtained in both the reaction time and evoked potential data. No such differences were obtained for isolated acoustic components of the phonetic dimension or for two purely auditory dimensions. Together with other recent evidence, the present results constitute additional converging operations on the distinction between auditory and phonetic processes in speech perception and on the idea that phonetic processing involves mechanisms that are lateralized in one cerebral hemisphere.     

Perceptual equivalence of acoustic cues in speech and nonspeech perception

Trading relations show that diverse acoustic consequences of minimal contrasts in speech are equivalent in perception of phonetic categories. This perceptual equivalence received stronger support from a recent finding that discrimination was differentially affected by the phonetic cooperation or conflict between two cues for the /slIt/-/splIt/contrast. Experiment 1 extended the trading relations and perceptual equivalence findings to the /sei/-/stei/contrast. With a more sensitive discrimination test, Experiment 2 found that cue equivalence is a characteristic of perceptual sensitivity to phonetic information. Using “sine-wave analogues” of the /sei/-/stei/stimuli, Experiment 3 showed that perceptual integration of the cues was phonetic, not psychoacoustic, in origin. Only subjects who perceived the sine-wave stimuli as “say” and “stay” showed a trading relation and perceptual equivalence; subjects who perceived them as nonspeech failed to integrate the two dimensions perceptually. Moreover, the pattern of differences between obtained and predicted discrimination was quite similar across the first two experiments and the “say”-“stay” group of Experiment 3, and suggested that phonetic perception was responsible even for better-than-predicted performance by these groups. Trading relations between speech cues, and the perceptual equivalence that underlies them, thus appear to derive specifically from perception of phonetic information.     

Self-Induced Motion Sickness and Body Movement During Passive Restraint

From both direct-realist and motor-theoretic perspectives, the objects of speech perception are construed as articulatory events. We offer the alternative view that it is the auditory properties of phonetic events to which listeners are primarily sensitive. Evidence for this alternative view comes from a variety of sources, including studies of phonetic and phonological universals, comparisons of the perception of speech and nonspeech signals, cross-language perceptual experi- ments, and studies of phonetic categorization by nonhuman animals.     

Discovering phonetic coherence in acoustic patterns

Despite spectral and temporal discontinuities in the speech signal, listeners normally report coherent phonetic patterns corresponding to the phonemes of a language that they know. What is the basis for the internal coherence of phonetic segments? According to one account, listeners achieve coherence by extracting and integrating discrete cues; according to another, coherence arises automatically from general principles of auditory form perception; according to a third, listeners perceive speech patterns as coherent because they are the acoustic consequences of coordinated articulatory gestures in a familiar language. We tested these accounts in three experiments by training listeners to hear a continuum of three-tone, modulated sine wave patterns, modeled after a minimal pair contrast between three-formant synthetic speech syllables, either as distorted speech signals carrying a phonetic contrast (speech listeners) or as distorted musical chords carrying a nonspeech auditory contrast (music listeners). The music listeners could neither integrate the sine wave patterns nor perceive their auditory coherence to arrive at consistent, categorical percepts, whereas the speech listeners judged the patterns as speech almost as reliably as the synthetic syllables on which they were modeled. The outcome is consistent with the hypothesis that listeners perceive the phonetic coherence of a speech signal by recognizing acoustic patterns that reflect the coordinated articulatory gestures from which they arose.     

Adaptation of the relative onset time of two-component tones

The results of three selective adaptation experiments employing nonspeech signals that differed in temporal onset are reported. In one experiment, adaptation effects were observed when both the adapting and test stimuli were selected from the same nonspeech test continuum. This result was interpreted as evidence for selective processing of temporal order information in nonspeech signals. Two additional experiments tested for the presence of cross-series adaptation effects from speech to nonspeech and then from nonspeech to speech. Both experiments failed to show any evidence of cross-series adaptation effects, implying a possible dissociation between perceptual classes of speech and nonspeech signals in processing temporal order information. Despite the absence of cross-series effects, it is argued that the ability of the auditory system to process temporal order information may still provide a possible basis for explaining the perception of voicing in stops that differ in VOT. The results of the present experiments, taken together with earlier findings on the perception of temporal onset in nonspeech signals, were viewed as an example of the way spoken language has exploited the basic sensory capabilities of the auditory system to signal phonetic differences.     

Adaptation of the category boundary between speech and nonspeech: A case against feature detectors

Two experiments were performed employing acoustic continua which change from speech to nonspeech. The members of one continuum, synthesized on the Pattern Playback, varied in the bandwidths of the first three formants in equal steps of change, from the vowel /α/ to a nonspeech buzz. The other continuum, achieved through digital synthesis, varied in the bandwidths of the first five formants, from the vowel /æ/ to a buzz. Identification and discrimination tests were carried out to establish that these continua were perceived categorically. Perceptual adaptation of these continua revealed shifts in the category boundaries comparable to those previously reported for speech sounds. The results were interpreted as suggesting that neither phonetic nor auditory feature detectors are responsible for perceptual adaptation of speech sounds, and that feature detector accounts of speech perception should therefore be reconsidered.     

Neural substrates of impaired categorical perception of phonemes in adult dyslexics: an fMRI study

Phonological developmental dyslexics remain impaired in phonetic categorical perception (CP) even in adulthood. We studied the brain correlates of CP in dyslexics and controls using a block design fMRI protocol and stimuli from an phonetic continuum between natural /Pa/ and /Ta/ syllables. Subjects performed a pseudo-passive listening task which does not imply voluntary categorical judgment. In the control group, categorical deviant stimuli elicited specific activations in the left angular gyrus, the right inferior frontal gyrus and the right superior cingulate cortex. These regions were not activated in the dyslexic group in which activation was observed for acoustic but not phonetic changes in stimuli. Failures to activate key regions for language perception and auditory attention in dyslexic might account for persistent deficits in phonological awareness and reading tasks.     

Auditory temporal perception deficits in the reading-impaired: A critical review of the evidence

We assess evidence and arguments brought forward by Tallal (e.g., 1980) and by the target paper (Farmer & Klein, 1995) for a general deficit in auditory temporal perception as the source of phonological deficits in impaired readers. We argue that (1) errors in temporal order judgment of both syllables and tones reflect difficulty in identifying similar (and so readily confusable) stimuli rapidly, not in judging their temporal order; (2) difficulty in identifying similar syllables or tones rapidly stem from independent deficits in speech and nonspeech discriminative capacity, not from a general deficit in rate of auditory perception; and (3) the results of dichotic experiments and studies of aphasics purporting to demonstrate left-hemisphere specialization for nonspeech auditory temporal perception are inconclusive. The paper supports its arguments with data from a recent control study. We conclude that, on the available evidence, the phonological deficit of impaired readers cannot be traced to any co-occurring nonspeech deficits so far observed and is phonetic in origin, but that its full nature, origin, and extent remain to be determined.     

汉语语音型阅读障碍儿童的范畴知觉技能

选取汉语中存在语音意识缺陷的阅读障碍儿童、正常儿童和成人各25名为被试,考察了语音型阅读障碍儿童是否存在言语知觉缺陷.言语知觉任务采用范畴知觉范式,要求被试识别合成或自然的语音范畴连续体.结果发现语音型阅读障碍儿童识别合成和自然的刺激都表现出范畴知觉缺陷,对范畴内刺激的识别缺少一致性;个体分析表明大部分语音型阅读障碍儿童有较低的识别函数斜率;回归分析表明言语知觉技能通过语音意识的中介作用于阅读能力的发展.     

Speech perception and memory coding in relation to reading ability

Previous work has demonstrated that children who are poor readers have short-term memory deficits in tasks in which the stimuli lend themselves to phonetic coding. The aim of the present study was to explore whether the poor readers' memory dificit may have its origin in perception with the encoding of the stimuli. Three experiments were conducted with third grade good and poor readers. As in earlier experiments, the poor readers were found to perform less well on recall of random word strings and to be less affected by the phonetic characteristics (rhyming or not rhyming) of the items (Experiment 1). In addition, the poor readers produced more errors of transposition (in the nonrhyming strings) than did the good readers, a further indication of the poor readers' problems with memory for order. The subjects were tested on two auditory perception tasks, one employing words (Experiment 2) and the other nonspeech environmental sounds (Experiment 3). Each was presented under two conditions: with a favorable signal-to-noise ratio and with masking. The poor readers made significantly more errors than the good readers when listening to speech in noise, but did not differ in perception of speech without noise or in perception of nonspeech environmental sounds, whether noise-masked or not. Together, the results of the perception studies suggest that poor readers have a perceptual difficulty that is specific to speech. It is suggested that the short-term memory deficits characteristic of poor readers may stem from material-specific problems of perceptual processing.     

Neural circuitry underlying perception of duration depends on language experience

Thai, a language which exhibits a phonemic opposition in vowel length, allows us to compare temporal patterns in linguistic and nonlinguistic contexts. Functional MRI data were collected from Thai and English subjects in a speeded-response, selective attention paradigm as they performed same/different judgments of vowel duration and consonants (Thai speech) and hum duration (nonspeech). Activation occurred predominantly in left inferior prefrontal cortex in both speech tasks for the Thai group, but only in the consonant task for the English group. The Thai group exhibited activation in the left mid superior temporal gyrus in both speech tasks; the English group in the posterior superior temporal gyrus bilaterally. In the hum duration task, peak activation was observed bilaterally in prefrontal cortex for both groups. These crosslinguistic data demonstrate that encoding of complex auditory signals is influenced by their functional role in a particular language.     

Brain activity varies with modulation of dynamic pitch variance in sentence melody

Fourteen native speakers of German heard normal sentences, sentences which were either lacking dynamic pitch variation (flattened speech), or comprised of intonation contour exclusively (degraded speech). Participants were to listen carefully to the sentences and to perform a rehearsal task. Passive listening to flattened speech compared to normal speech produced strong brain responses in right cortical areas, particularly in the posterior superior temporal gyrus (pSTG). Passive listening to degraded speech compared to either normal or flattened speech particularly involved fronto-opercular and subcortical (Putamen, Caudate Nucleus) regions bilaterally. Additionally the Rolandic operculum (premotor cortex) in the right hemisphere subserved processing of neat sentence intonation. As a function of explicit rehearsing sentence intonation we found several activation foci in the left inferior frontal gyrus (Broca's area), the left inferior precentral sulcus, and the left Rolandic fissure. The data allow several suggestions: First, both flattened and degraded speech evoked differential brain responses in the pSTG, particularly in the planum temporale (PT) bilaterally indicating that this region mediates integration of slowly and rapidly changing acoustic cues during comprehension of spoken language. Second, the bilateral circuit active whilst participants receive degraded speech reflects general effort allocation. Third, the differential finding for passive perception and explicit rehearsal of intonation contour suggests a right fronto-lateral network for processing and a left fronto-lateral network for producing prosodic information. Finally, it appears that brain areas which subserve speech (frontal operculum) and premotor functions (Rolandic operculum) coincidently support the processing of intonation contour in spoken sentence comprehension.     

The anatomy of auditory word processing: individual variability

This study used functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) to investigate the neural substrate underlying the processing of single words, comparing activation patterns across subjects and within individuals. In a word repetition task, subjects repeated single words aloud with instructions not to move their jaws. In a control condition involving reverse speech, subjects heard a digitally reversed speech token and said aloud the word "crime." The averaged fMRI results showed activation in the left posterior temporal and inferior frontal regions and in the supplementary motor area, similar to previous PET studies. However, the individual subject data revealed variability in the location of the temporal and frontal activation. Although these results support previous imaging studies, demonstrating an averaged localization of auditory word processing in the posterior superior temporal gyrus (STG), they are more consistent with traditional neuropsychological data, which suggest both a typical posterior STG localization and substantial individual variability. By using careful head restraint and movement analysis and correction methods, the present study further demonstrates the feasibility of using overt articulation in fMRI experiments.     

Functional heterogeneity of inferior frontal gyrus is shaped by linguistic experience

A crosslinguistic, positron emission tomography (PET) study was conducted to determine the influence of linguistic experience on the perception of segmental (consonants and vowels) and suprasegmental (tones) information. Chinese and English subjects (10 per group) were presented binaurally with lists consisting of five Chinese monosyllabic morphemes (speech) or low-pass-filtered versions of the same stimuli (nonspeech). The first and last items were targeted for comparison; the time interval between target tones was filled with irrelevant distractor tones. A speeded-response, selective attention paradigm required subjects to make discrimination judgments of the target items while ignoring intervening distractor tones. PET scans were acquired for five tasks presented twice: one passive listening to pitch (nonspeech) and four active (speech = consonant, vowel, and tone; nonspeech = pitch). Significant regional changes in blood flow were identified from comparisons of group-averaged images of active tasks relative to passive listening. Chinese subjects show increased activity in left premotor cortex, pars opercularis, and pars triangularis across the four tasks. English subjects, on the other hand, show increased activity in left inferior frontal gyrus regions only in the vowel task and in right inferior frontal gyrus regions in the pitch task. Findings suggest that functional circuits engaged in speech perception depend on linguistic experience. All linguistic information signaled by prosodic cues engages left-hemisphere mechanisms. Storage and executive processes of working memory that are implicated in phonological processing are mediated in discrete regions of the left frontal lobe.     

Role of left posterior superior temporal gyrus in phonological processing for speech perception and production

Models of both speech perception and speech production typically postulate a processing level that involves some form of phonological processing. There is disagreement, however, on the question of whether there are separate phonological systems for speech input versus speech output. We review a range of neuroscientific data that indicate that input and output phonological systems partially overlap. An important anatomical site of overlap appears to be the left posterior superior temporal gyrus. We then present the results of a new event-related functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) experiment in which participants were asked to listen to and then (covertly) produce speech. In each participant, we found two regions in the left posterior superior temporal gyrus that responded both to the perception and production components of the task, suggesting that there is overlap in the neural systems that participate in phonological aspects of speech perception and speech production. The implications for neural models of verbal working memory are also discussed in connection with our findings.     

Central and peripheral representation of whispered and voiced speech

Whispered speech is very different acoustically from normally voiced speech, yet listeners appear to have little trouble perceiving whispered speech. Two selective adaptation experiments explored the basis for the common perception of whispered and voiced speech, using two synthetic /ba/-/wa/ continua (one voiced, and one whispered). In the first experiment the endpoints of each series were used as adaptors, along with several nonspeech adaptors. Speech adaptors produced reliable labeling shifts of syllables matching in periodicity (i.e., whispered-whispered or voiced-voiced); somewhat smaller effects were found with mismatched periodicity. A periodic nonspeech tone with short rise time (the "pluck") produced adaptation effects like those for /ba/. These shifts occurred for whispered test syllables as well as voiced ones, indicating a common abstract level of representation for voiced and whispered stimuli. Experiment 2 replicated and extended Experiment 1, using same-ear and cross-ear adaptation conditions. There was perfect cross-ear transfer of the nonspeech adaptation effect, again implicating an abstract level of representation. The results support the existence of two levels of processing for complex acoustic signals. The commonality of whispered and voiced speech arises at the second, abstract level. Both this level, and the earlier, more directly acoustic level, are susceptible to adaptation effects.     

Auditory and phonetic coding of the cues for speech: Discrimination of the [r-l] distinction by young infants

Infants, 2 and 3 months of age, were found to discriminte stimuli along the acoustic continuum underlying the phonetic contrast [r] vs. [l] in a nearly categorical manner. For an approximately equal acoustic difference, discrimination, as measured by recovery from satiation or familiarization, was reliably better when the two stimuli were exemplars of different phonetic categories than when they were acoustic variations of the same phonetic category. Discrimination of the same acoustic information presented in a nonspeech mode was found to be continuous, that is, determined by acoustic rather than phonetic characteristics of the stimuli. The findings were discussed with reference to the nature of the mechanisms that may determine the processing of complex acoustic signals in young infants and with reference to the role of linguistic experience on the development of speech perception at the phonetic level.

     

The cortical organization of lexical knowledge: a dual lexicon model of spoken language processing

Current accounts of spoken language assume the existence of a lexicon where wordforms are stored and interact during spoken language perception, understanding and production. Despite the theoretical importance of the wordform lexicon, the exact localization and function of the lexicon in the broader context of language use is not well understood. This review draws on evidence from aphasia, functional imaging, neuroanatomy, laboratory phonology and behavioral results to argue for the existence of parallel lexica that facilitate different processes in the dorsal and ventral speech pathways. The dorsal lexicon, localized in the inferior parietal region including the supramarginal gyrus, serves as an interface between phonetic and articulatory representations. The ventral lexicon, localized in the posterior superior temporal sulcus and middle temporal gyrus, serves as an interface between phonetic and semantic representations. In addition to their interface roles, the two lexica contribute to the robustness of speech processing.