Observation distance and recognition of photographs of celebrities' faces

Subjects were tested to assess the distance at which they could recognize the faces of celebrities (more specifically, a set of 44 portrait photographs of movie and television actors). The set of test photographs was shown initially at a distance of 200 ft. and then closer in increments of 20 ft. When the actor in a given photograph was identified, either by name, character role, or by the movie or television show in which the actor had starred, the recognition-distance was recorded and the photograph was removed from the test set. Those which were not recognized (even at the closest distance) were not included in the data summaries or statistical analysis. In calculating recognition-distance for each photograph, the values were adjusted to reflect the distance at which recognition would have occurred if all the faces were of normal size. The upper limit for recognition, as defined by the distance above which only 10% of the faces are identified, was just over 160 ft. for women, and just under 200 ft. for men. There was also a significant difference in mean recognition distance between women and men. The large range of recognition-distance (across photographs and across subjects) argues that the distance is not controlled primarily by the feature detail provided in a given photograph or by the discrimination and recall skills of the observer. More likely it is a function of diverse memory associations, so that the distance at which each photograph is recognized will depend on such factors as frequency and recency of exposure, perceived attractiveness, and how much the subject admires the celebrity.     

Neural developmental changes in processing inverted faces

We explored developmental changes in neural substrates for face processing, using fMRI. Children and adults performed a perceptual-matching task with upright and inverted face and animal stimuli. Behaviorally, inversion disrupted face processing more than animal processing for adults and older children. In line with this behavioral pattern, the left middle occipital gyrus showed a stronger face than animal inversion effect in adults. Moreover, a superior aspect of this region showed a greater face inversion effect in older than in younger children, indicating a developmental change in the processing of inverted faces. The visual regions recruited for inverted face processing in adults also overlapped more with brain regions involved in the viewing of upright objects than with regions involved in the viewing of upright faces in an independent localizer task. Hence, when faces are inverted, adults recruit regions normally engaged for recognizing objects, possibly pointing to a role for the featural processing of inverted faces.     

Feature saliency and recognition memory for schematic faces

Memory for schematic faces was studied using a recognition memory paradigm. Ss indicated whether two faces, separated by delays of 6, 12, or 18 sec, were the same or different. Theoretical interest centered on the effects of component feature saliency on response bias and detectability. The main results were that there were fewer misses and more false alarms on the more salient features. Analysis showed that the main effect of feature saliency was on response bias, not detectability.     

Practice and incentive motivation in recognition of inverted faces

In each of three experiments, participants received successive daily practice sessions on the task of recognizing inverted faces. In all practice sessions, an initial study series of 25 inverted faces was followed immediately by a test series of 17 pairs of inverted faces. Each test pair comprised a face from the study series and a new face. Completely new sets of faces were used in each session. Recognition of inverted faces did not improve across sessions in Exp. 1 but did improve in Exps. 2 and 3. Unlike Exp. 1, Exps. 2 and 3 employed an explicit incentive for improved performance. These results show that sufficiently motivated participants can become quite proficient at recognizing inverted faces. Implications of the results for the role of expertise at recognition in producing the inversion effect are discussed.     

Reported visual imagery for faces and facial recognition memory

Data from several studies of college students yielded moderate correlations among faces recognition scores (ratings, answers to questions), but association between visual imagery and recognition memory for faces was small to medium. Women reported more vivid and better controlled visual imagery for faces than men.     

The effects of verbal labelling on recognition memory for schematic faces

Four experiments investigated the effects of labelling on the encoding and recognition of schematic faces. In Experiments I and II, hard-to-label (H) faces were recognized better after labelling than after observing, whereas easy-to-label (E) faces were not significantly affected. However, E faces were recognized better after labelling when subjects were instructed to attend carefully to all features of the faces during viewing. In Experiments III and IV, which dealt with each kind of face separately, both E and H faces were recognized better after labelling than after observing. An additional improvement in recognition all of faces was found when labelling subjects knew which label was relevant on each recognition trial and were instructed to use it. It was concluded that (a) a verbal label functions mainly to direct attention to specific facial features during viewing, (b)the effect of the label on recognition is positive or negative depending on whether or not it directs attention to features which are functional for the recognition test, (c) the label also forms part of the representation of the face in memory, and (d) a label may serve as a mediator at the time of testing, but only in the presence of specific cues.     

Emotional information in body and background hampers recognition memory for faces

Emotional influences on memory for events have long been documented yet surprisingly little is known about how emotional signals conveyed by contextual cues influence memory for face identity. This study investigated how positively and negatively valenced contextual emotion cues conveyed by body expressions or background scenes influence face memory. The results provide evidence of emotional context influence on face recognition memory and show that faces encoded in emotional (either fearful or happy) contexts (either the body or background scene) are less well recognized than faces encoded in neutral contexts and this effect is larger for body context than for scene context. The findings are compatible with the hypothesis that emotional signals in visual scenes trigger orienting responses which may lead to a less elaborate processing of featural details like the identity of a face, in turn resulting in a decreased facial recognition memory.     

When feature information comes first! Early processing of inverted faces

We investigated the early stages of face recognition and the role of featural and holistic face information. We exploited the fact that, on inversion, the alienating disorientation of the eyes and mouth in thatcherised faces is hardly detectable. This effect allows featural and holistic information to be dissociated and was used to test specific face-processing hypotheses. In inverted thatcherised faces, the cardinal features are already correctly oriented, whereas in undistorted faces, the whole Gestalt is coherent but all information is disoriented. Experiment 1 and experiment 3 revealed that, for inverted faces, featural information processing precedes holistic information. Moreover, the processing of contextual information is necessary to process local featural information within a short presentation time (26 ms). Furthermore, for upright faces, holistic information seems to be available faster than for inverted faces (experiment 2). These differences in processing inverted and upright faces presumably cause the differential importance of featural and holistic information for inverted and upright faces.     

Metamemory,distinctiveness, and event-related potentials in recognition memory for faces

A neglected topic in metamemory research is the ability of subjects to predict their own recognition performance for faces. We investigated whether subjects can make such judgments of learning (JOL) for unfamiliar faces and whether JOLs relate to facial distinctiveness, a powerful determinant of face recognition. One group of subjects made JOLs, and a second group rated the same faces for distinctiveness; subsequently, both groups tried to recognize these faces among new faces. There was significant prospective metamemory for faces that appeared to be based on facial distinctiveness. Both prospective metamemory and distinctiveness ratings related to long-lasting effects in event-related brain potentials (ERPs), closely resembling an ERP component that predicted face recognition. Therefore, the brain processes underlying JOLs, distinctiveness, and recognition memory for faces appear to be intimately related.     

Recognition memory for faces: When familiarity supports associative recognition judgments

Recognition memory for single items can be dissociated from recognition memory for the associations between items. For example, recognition tests for single words produce curvilinear receiver operating characteristics (ROCs), but associative recognition tests for word pairs produce linear ROCs. These dissociations are consistent with dual-process theories of recognition and suggest that associative recognition relies on recollection but that item recognition relies on a combination of recollection and assessments of familiarity. In the present study, we examined associative recognition ROCs for facial stimuli by manipulating the central and external features, in order to determine whether linear ROCs would be observed for stimuli other than arbitrary word pairs. When the faces were presented upright, familiarity estimates were significantly above zero, and the associative ROCs were curvilinear, suggesting that familiarity contributed to associative judgments. However, presenting the faces upside down effectively eliminated the contribution of familiarity to associative recognition, and the ROCs were linear. The results suggest that familiarity can support associative recognition judgments, if the associated components are encoded as a coherent gestalt, as in upright faces.     

Effects of normal and abnormal visual experience on the development of opposing aftereffects for upright and inverted faces

We used opposing figural aftereffects to investigate whether there are at least partially separable representations of upright and inverted faces in patients who missed early visual experience because of bilateral congenital cataracts (mean age at test 19.5 years). Visually normal adults and 10-year-olds were tested for comparison. Adults showed the expected opposing aftereffects for upright and inverted faces. Ten-year-olds showed an adultlike aftereffect for upright faces but, unlike the adult group, no aftereffect for inverted faces. Patients failed to show an aftereffect for either upright or inverted faces. Overall, the results suggest that early visual input is necessary for the later development of (at least partially) separable representations of upright and inverted faces, a developmental process that takes many years to reach an adult-like refinement.     

Stereotypes and recognition memory for faces and voices of good guys and bad guys

This study tested first whether 240 undergraduate students share high consensual agreement in their selection of faces and voices which fit criminal and non-criminal ‘occupations’ second, whether there are significant relationships between trait impressions and voice characteristics for persons selected as exemplars of criminals and non-criminals; and third, whether categorization of targets into ‘good guys’ and ‘bad guys’ influences recognition memory. Subjects' selections of exemplars of criminals and non-criminals from video recordings of the face and voice, or face-only, or voice-only of 15 white men were done with high confidence in a significantly non-random manner. Significant correlations were found between trait impressions and vocal characteristics in all three presentation modes which differentiated good guys from bad guys. Recognition memory for target voices was significantly inferior to the recognition of face and voice targets, and face-only targets. Recognition confidence scores were significantly higher for good guys over bad guys, especially in the voice-only condition. The results were discussed in terms of the probability that stereotyping of faces and voices can influence decision-making in the legal process.     

Discrepant integration times for upright and inverted faces

Judgments of upright faces tend to be more rapid than judgments of inverted faces. This is consistent with encoding at different rates via discrepant mechanisms, or via a common mechanism that is more sensitive to upright input. However, to the best of our knowledge no previous study of facial coding speed has tried to equate sensitivity across the characteristics under investigation (eg emotional expression, facial gender, or facial orientation). Consequently we cannot tell whether different decision speeds result from mechanisms that accrue information at different rates, or because facial images can differ in the amount of information they make available. To address this, we examined temporal integration times, the times across which information is accrued toward a perceptual decision. We examined facial gender and emotional expressions. We first identified image pairs that could be differentiated on 80% of trials with protracted presentations (1 s). We then presented these images at a range of brief durations to determine how rapidly performance plateaued, which is indicative of integration time. For upright faces gender was associated with a protracted integration relative to expression judgments. This difference was eliminated by inversion, with both gender and expression judgments associated with a common, rapid, integration time. Overall, our data suggest that upright facial gender and expression are encoded via distinct processes and that inversion does not just result in impaired sensitivity. Rather, inversion caused gender judgments, which had been associated with a protracted integration, to become associated with a more rapid process.     

Developmental changes in face recognition during childhood: Evidence from upright and inverted faces

Adults are experts at recognizing faces but there is controversy about how this ability develops with age. We assessed 6- to 12-year-olds and adults using a digitized version of the Benton Face Recognition Test, a sensitive tool for assessing face perception abilities. Children's response times for correct responses did not decrease between ages 6 and 12, for either upright or inverted faces, but were significantly longer than those of adults for both face types. Accuracy improved between ages 6 and 12, significantly more for upright than inverted faces. Inverted face recognition improved slowly until late childhood, whereas there was a large improvement in upright face recognition between ages 6 and 8, with a further enhancement after age 12. These results provide further evidence that during childhood face processing undergoes protracted development and becomes increasingly tuned to upright faces.     

Aging and memory for faces versus single views of faces

Differences in the ability of young adults and elderly to recognize faces were examined under two conditions. In a standard single-view condition, in which each input face was shown as one photograph, we confirmed prior findings that young adults perform better than the elderly at distinguishing photographs seen before from photographs of new faces. We also found that the elderly had more trouble distinguishing photographs seen before from photographs of(l) old faces changed in facial expression and (2) old faces changed in expression and pose. Yet there were no reliable age differences in distinguishing old-but-changed faces from entirely new faces. In a more naturalistic multi-view condition, in which each input face was shown in four poses and with two expressions, no age differences were found. A second experiment ruled out the possibility that varied repetition, by itself, removes age differences in recognizing faces. These data supported age differences in remembering facial expressions and possibly other details of photographs of faces, but not in remembering faces perse.