新型冠状病毒肺炎疫情下普通民众焦虑的影响因素研究

为考察新型冠状病毒肺炎疫情下普通民众焦虑情绪的影响因素,采用自陈式问卷,对新型冠状病毒肺炎疫情防控下的1050位普通民众的疫情经历、媒体信息暴露时长及性质、疫情风险感知和焦虑进行调查。结果发现新型冠状病毒肺炎疫情防控当下民众焦虑情绪的发生率为18.0%,焦虑情绪的发生率在性别、年龄、受教育程度、婚姻状况和月收入等方面没有显著的差异;疫情经历、媒体信息暴露时长、负面信息暴露和感知疫情的严重性会增加焦虑情绪产生的可能性,正面信息暴露、对疫情熟悉度和可控度的感知可以减少焦虑情绪产生的可能性。这些结果说明了疫情经历、媒体信息暴露时长和性质、疫情风险感知是疫情防控当下民众焦虑出现的重要因素。     

How Emotional Frames Moralize and Polarize Political Attitudes

Moralized issues, such as abortion and same‐sex marriage, are some of the most polarizing and divisive issues in politics. These topics motivate political engagement but present a barrier to democratic resolution. Yet we know little about how some issues become “moral issues” and others do not. In this article, I argue that exposure to persuasive frames, particularly those eliciting anger and disgust, serves to moralize and polarize public opinion. I test these hypotheses across three experiments on emerging debates over food politics. The results consistently show that persuasive frames increase issue moralization and, in turn, facilitate polarization. A panel analysis demonstrates that the effect of a single exposure lasts at least two weeks. Mediation analyses suggest that feelings of disgust and anger help explain how persuasive frames moralize political attitudes, while anger alone seems to explain the polarizing effects of framing. Overall, the findings provide new insight into framing, emotion, and the development of moral issues.     

Emotional Reactions to COVID-19 Projections and Consequences for Protective Policies and Personal Behavior

How does the public react to information about the likely progression of COVID-19 cases in the United States? How do these reactions vary over the course of the pandemic and by partisanship, and with what consequences for policy attitudes and personal behavior? We argue that reading projections about the peak of COVID-19 cases in the United States is likely to lead to increased levels of anxiety and sadness. We expect that these effects will be more pronounced and less polarized along partisan lines earlier in the pandemic. Finally, we expect that elevated anxiety and sadness should in turn lead to greater support for protective policies to combat the pandemic and a greater inclination to engage in protective behaviors. To test these arguments, we fielded online survey experiments at three points in time (April, June, and August 2020), in which respondents were randomly assigned to a control group or one of two projections about the likely progression of COVID-19 cases in the United States. Across all three waves, we find that exposure to information about case peaks increases anxiety and sadness, though the effects get weaker over time, particularly among Republicans. We also find evidence that these elevated emotional responses increase support for protective policies and behavior.     

Demand for mitigating the risk of COVID-19 infection in public transport: The role of social trust and fatalistic beliefs

The rapid surge of COVID-19 cases worldwide drew attention to COVID-19 infection as a new source of risk in transport. The virus introduced a need for viral transmission mitigation as a major priority when selecting a mode of travel, and caused a significant drop in public transport use. The recovery of public transport use in the post-COVID period requires that the transport authorities favourably address people’s demand for mitigation of the risk of COVID-19 transmission in public transport. The present study aims to explore the role of risk perception, worry and priority of COVID-19 risk reduction along with fatalistic beliefs and public trust in authorities in explaining public demand for risk mitigation. The present study is among the first to investigate the role of fatalistic beliefs, social trust and risk perception for public transport and public demand for risk mitigation. The link between priority of infection prevention and demand for risk mitigation has also been less explored in public transport research. An online survey was conducted among university students in Iran between 19th April and 16th June 2020, during the first wave of the pandemic, when the country was a major epicentre of the disease. A total of 271 out of 370 respondents whose dominant mode on university travels was public transport were included in the analysis. Results of structural equation modelling confirmed the paradox of trust, indicating that social trust is negatively associated with perceived risk of COVID-19 infection, which in turn may lead people to place less importance on COVID-19 prevention as a priority in travel mode choice, and consequently demand less risk mitigation efforts to prevent COVID-19 infection in public transport. Dissimilar to trust, however, the results revealed no relationship between fatalistic beliefs and risk perception, but a significant direct effect of fatalistic beliefs on demand for risk mitigation. To reinforce public demand for mitigating the risk of COVID-19 in public transport, the study calls on policymakers to exploit public trust resources for more effective risk communication, through disseminating the gradually accumulating evidence-based information regarding the infectivity and the virulence of COVID-19 and the scientific risk of infection. The study also underlined the potential importance of considering fatalistic beliefs when developing effective risk communication policies and practices to enhance public support for COVID-19 risk mitigation in public transport.     

From model minority to yellow peril: How threat perceptions and disgust predict anti-Asian prejudice during COVID-19

During the COVID-19 pandemic, hate crimes against Asians sharply increased in the United States. We investigated whether the threat of contracting COVID-19 and specific negative emotions (disgust, anxiety, fear, and anger) regarding COVID-19 predicted anti-Asian prejudice in a 3-wave longitudinal study of non-Asian American adults (N = 486) in the early days of the pandemic in 2020. In all 3 timepoints, participants who believed that they may have already contracted COVID and those who expressed greater disgust reported more anti-Asian attitudes, evaluated Asians as less than human, tolerated anti-Asian prejudice, and blamed Asians for spreading COVID-19. In a well-fitting longitudinal path model, we found longitudinal evidence for these associations, such that the belief that one had already contracted COVID-19 in March 2020 predicted greater disgust one month later, in April 2020, which in turn predicted greater anti-Asian prejudice in May 2020.     

Mass Shootings Backfire: The Boomerang Effects of Death Concerns on Policy Attitudes

ABSTRACT

Fear-inducing communication is commonly adopted in the public domain. For example, advocates of gun control have believed that the tragic cases of mass shooting would be an effective persuasive tool to draw favorable public opinion about gun control policies. However, this assumption does not meet reality. Despite a rash of mass shootings over the past 2 decades, public support for gun regulation has continued to decline. To resolve this dilemma, this article conducted 3 experiments and provided compelling explanations of how threatening shooting stories generated the unintended effects. In line with the terror management theory, the moderated mediation model showed that shooting stories produced partisan polarization on gun policies. Theoretical and practical implications of fear-inducing messages are discussed.     

The Scope of Partisan Influence on Policy Opinion

Politicians often support policies that diverge from public preferences. How effectively can partisan cues lead public opinion in these settings? Using survey experiments that examine how partisan cues affect support for policies that diverge from the initial views of party supporters, I argue for two important limitations on the scope of partisan influence over public opinion. First, while cues from copartisan politicians produce modest increases in the support policy proposals receive, the effect of policy divergence outstrips the effect of cues, constraining elites’ ability to generate support for proposals at odds with public preferences. Second, while partisan cues increase mass partisans’ support for specific policy proposals, they fail to pull the underlying preferences of party supporters toward divergent elite‐endorsed positions. This offers new insight into the mechanisms behind party‐cues effects and demonstrates a check on the influence of partisan elites in a polarized era.     

社交媒体信任对重大突发公共卫生事件中公众网络谣言自治行为的影响

从社会心理学视角、以社交媒体信任为切入点,基于新冠肺炎疫情,考察公众在重大突发公共卫生事件中网络谣言自治行为的心理机制。采用问卷方法对963名成年居民进行调查。结果表明:(1)公众对官方社交媒体的信任既能直接促进公众的辟谣行为,也能通过增强公众对战胜疫情的信心产生间接影响;(2)公众对官方社交媒体的信任影响公众对自媒体的信任,但自媒体信任不能独立于官媒信任影响辟谣行为。因此,我国社交媒体存在着两个舆论场且官方舆论占主导地位,及时、有效的官方报道不仅能提高公众对战胜疫情的信心,也能促进公众网络谣言自治,进而实现网络谣言治理主体的多元化。     

Immoral,infectious, or both? How disgust sensitivity predicts judgments of violations against COVID-19 mitigation actions

Violations against mitigation actions to prevent the spreading of the SARS-CoV-2 virus causing COVID-19, such as not wearing a mask or not practicing social distancing, were seen as immoral and could also increase the likelihood of spreading the virus. In two studies (N1 = 318, N2 = 293), we found that moral and pathogen disgust sensitivity differentially predicted perceptions of such COVID-19 violations against mitigation actions, framed as a moral, pathogen, or on a good-bad dimension, albeit in a less specific way than initially hypothesized (e.g., regarding the pathogenic framed violations, not only pathogen but also moral disgust was associated with higher perceptions of infectiousness). These results suggest that individual differences, especially in pathogen disgust (and, more inconsistently, moral disgust), are important when evaluating violations against mitigation actions. Further research on the role of moral disgust is needed.     

Born This Way? A Qualitative Examination of Public Perceptions of the Causes of Pedophilia and Sexual Offending against Children

Understanding public opinion about the causes of pedophilia and/or child sex offending is vital, as the views of the public influence how governments respond to sexual offenders. However, little research has been undertaken on this topic. This study addresses this gap by examining the causes that members of the public ascribe to pedophilia and/or child sexual abuse using qualitative data from online forums. The etiological accounts that the public gave provide important information for those developing public prevention policies and/or education campaigns about child sexual abuse. Key implications of these etiological explanations are analyzed in this regard.     

污染效应在消费者行为领域的表现及其心理机制

随着健康问题越来越受到消费者的重视, 学者们对污染效应的研究和兴趣也与日俱增, 特别是在消费者的感知和偏好方面。在消费者行为研究中, 污染效应是指消费者会降低对他人接触过产品的感知价值。本研究主要回顾了在消费行为中污染效应的定义和特性, 然后从接触因素、位置因素、产品因素和社会因素等方面来探讨污染效应的前因, 并进一步归纳了污染效应对消费者行为的消极影响和积极影响。最后, 探讨了污染效应的理论基础和边界条件。在此基础上, 对污染效应在消费者行为领域的未来研究方向进行了展望。     

厌恶和恐惧情绪对跨期选择的不同影响：基于ERP的研究

本研究运用事件相关电位技术(ERPs)考察厌恶和恐惧情绪对跨期选择的影响。其中,厌恶和恐惧情绪采用情绪面孔图片进行启动,分析跨期选择任务中评估阶段所诱发的ERP成分。行为结果发现,与中性面孔相比,厌恶面孔启动使个体倾向于选择立即奖赏。ERP结果发现,在选项评估阶段,厌恶面孔比中性和恐惧面孔启动诱发更大的P2、P3和LPP波幅。这说明,厌恶情绪促使个体投入更多的注意和动机资源对跨期选项进行评估,进而使个体倾向即时满足。     

厌恶和恐惧情绪对跨期选择的不同影响：基于ERP的研究

本研究运用事件相关电位技术(ERPs)考察厌恶和恐惧情绪对跨期选择的影响。其中,厌恶和恐惧情绪采用情绪面孔图片进行启动,分析跨期选择任务中评估阶段所诱发的ERP成分。行为结果发现,与中性面孔相比,厌恶面孔启动使个体倾向于选择立即奖赏。ERP结果发现,在选项评估阶段,厌恶面孔比中性和恐惧面孔启动诱发更大的P2、P3和LPP波幅。这说明,厌恶情绪促使个体投入更多的注意和动机资源对跨期选项进行评估,进而使个体倾向即时满足。     

An outbreak of xenophobia: Perceived discrimination and anxiety in Chinese American college students before and during the COVID-19 pandemic

Since the outbreak of the novel coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic, reports of xenophobic and racist incidents directed at Chinese Americans have escalated. The present study adds further understanding to potential psychosocial effects of the COVID-19 pandemic by comparing self-reported questionnaire data from two groups of Chinese students attending a public university in western United States: the group who participated in the study before the outbreak of COVID-19 (Pre-COVID, N = 134), and the group who participated at the beginning (during-COVID, N = 64). The aim of the study was to: (a) compare mean differences in perceived discrimination and anxiety between the two groups, (b) test whether COVID-19 moderated the link between perceived discrimination and anxiety, and (c) examine whether media exposure portraying Chinese individuals negatively mediated relations between COVID-19 and discrimination. Results showed that the During-COVID group reported higher perceived discrimination and anxiety than the Pre-COVID group. The link between perceived discrimination and anxiety was stronger for the During-COVID group. Mediation analyses suggested that negative Chinese media exposure partly accounted for the group difference in perceived discrimination. Results suggest that future studies on the psychosocial implications of the COVID-19 pandemic should consider the role of discrimination in understanding the mental health of Chinese American college students.     

Divergent reactions to COVID-19 exhibited in grandiose and vulnerable narcissism

Grandiosity and vulnerability are distinct dimensions of narcissism that may exhibit differences regarding compliance with COVID-19 regulations and policies. Although both dimensions reflect entitlement and self-importance, motivational tendencies diverge. Narcissistic grandiosity reflects bold expressions consistent with approach motivation, whereas vulnerable narcissism reflects reactive expressions consistent with avoidance motivation. Therefore, the present cross-sectional investigation explored these relations between November 2020 and April 2021. Undergraduates (N = 487, M_age = 19.79, 87.1% women) completed online surveys that assessed grandiose and vulnerable narcissism, perceived severity of and susceptibility to COVID, attitudes and reactions toward COVID policies, as well as self-reported behavioral data including number of daily hours out in public, indoor bar/restaurant attendance, and whether they had ever received a positive COVID diagnosis. Consistent with theoretical distinctions between the two narcissistic dimensions, grandiosity generally predicted reduced behavioral compliance and extraverted tendencies that put them at risk for COVID exposure; however, both grandiosity and vulnerability predicted worse reactions and attitudes toward COVID-19 policies.     

Public panics: Problematic bodies in social space

This paper emerged from a three year study investigating the experience and management of Britain's night-time economy. In focus groups and interviews respondents spoke of their concern about uncivil behaviours on the streets after dark. Using public urination as one example of late-night incivility, I explore what it means to research a topic that circulates such themes as disgust, intimacy, and civility. However, in this paper I am not so much interested in the rights and wrongs of urinating in public, as in the discursive tensions that frame this topic, tensions which act to separate us along axes of moral/immoral, clean/dirty, male/female. In reference to the work of photographer Ellen Jong, who has photographed herself publicly urinating across various landscapes, the discussion turns to the notion of interest and disgust as ways of figuring the connections and disconnections that urinating in public elicits.     

A call for caution regarding infection-acquired COVID-19 immunity: The potentially unintended effects of “immunity passports” and how to mitigate them

Research suggests that emerging information about infection-acquired COVID-19 immunity should be interpreted with caution. The introduction of “immunity passports” that would enable people who have recovered from COVID-19 to travel freely and return to work may therefore have detrimental consequences if not managed carefully. In two studies, we examined how perceived (suspected or imagined) recovery from COVID-19, and the concept of immunity passports, influence people’s intentions to engage in behaviors aimed to reduce the spread of COVID-19. We also consider ways to lessen potential negative effects. In Study 1 (N = 1604), participants asked to imagine that they had recovered from COVID-19 reported lower social distancing intentions compared to a control condition. Participants who suspected (versus imagined) that they had recovered from past infection did not report lower preventative intentions compared to the control condition, even at high levels of certainty of past infection. In Study 2 (N = 1732), introducing the idea of immunity passports also reduced social distancing intentions compared to a control condition. The latter effect was, however, attenuated when cautious information about the equivocal science on COVID-19 was also presented to participants. Participants who suspected that they had COVID-19 in the past (compared to the control condition) revealed a similar pattern of results, but only at higher levels of certainty of past infection. Caution regarding infection-acquired COVID-19 immunity and immunity passports will be crucial in the COVID-19 response. Implications for premature pandemic announcements, as well as their potential remedies, are discussed.     

基于文本阅读的间接接触也可改善公众对残疾人的态度

以镶嵌残疾人图片的正性行为描述性信息为文本阅读材料,以大学生为被试,采用概念启动范式,考察了健全人对残疾人态度改善的可能性.研究结果表明,阅读残疾人正性行为描述性材料不仅可以降低健全人对残疾人的负性认知评价,而且可以提高其对残疾人的钦佩感和减弱其对残疾人的嫌弃感,同时也可提高健全人对该类人群的积极趋近行为和减弱对该类人群的消极趋近和消极回避行为,从而证明基于文本阅读的间接接触可改善公众对残疾人的负性态度的假设.因此,创造条件鼓励残疾人尽力发挥其积极的社会功能,引导和塑造其身残志不残的品质,有助于改善健全人对该类人群的消极态度.     

Compliance in crisis: Concern,trust and distrustful complacency in the COVID-19 pandemic

Two studies tested a distrustful complacency hypothesis, according to which either concern or political trust would be enough to sustain law-abiding attitudes and compliance with health-protective policies during the COVID-19 pandemic; but the absence of both concern and trust would result in markedly lower support and compliance. Study 1 supported this hypothesis with NatCen nationally representative sample of Great Britain (N = 2413; weighted regression analyses), focussing on law-abiding attitudes. Study 2 (preregistered) replicated these findings with a representative sample (N = 1523) investigating support for COVID-19 policies and compliant behaviour. Participants who were less concerned about the consequences of the pandemic (for themselves and for others) and simultaneously less trustful of the government expressed weaker law-abiding attitudes and reported less compliance with COVID-19 restrictions. These findings have implications for policy and public health strategies in time of crisis.