Experiments on the spelling-to-sound regularity effect in word recognition

University of California, San Diego, California 92037 Subjects responded faster to words with regular spelling-to-sound correspondences than to words with irregular correspondences in both a naming task and a lexical decision task. The locus of the small, but significant, regularity effect was investigated in further experiments. When subjects were forced to respond faster than usual, via a response-deadline technique, no regularity effect was apparent in either their reaction times or error rates. In another experiment, no Regularity by Stimulus Quality interaction was obtained. It was concluded that the phonological recoding implied by the existence of the regularity effect takes place subsequent to lexical access.     

The effect of spelling-to-sound regularity on naming in French

Summary In two experiments the naming task was used to investigate the effect of spelling-to-sound regularity on performance for French words varying in frequency of usage. In both experiments the results showed a significant effect of regularity on naming latencies. Contrary to what has been found in previous experiments using English stimuli, the regularity effect did not vary as a function of word frequency. However, in both experiments significantly more errors, and specifically regularisation errors, were observed with low-frequency irregular words. Several possible interpretations of this atypical pattern of results are discussed. An additional observation was that the regularity effect, both on naming latencies and on error rates, and independently of frequency of use, was limited to the irregular words in which the idiosyncratic orthographic segment was either in initial or in medial position in the word.     

Phonological recoding in lexical decision: Effects of spelling-to-sound regularity depend on how regularity is defined

This study is concerned with two contrasting accounts of lexieal access in reading, phonological receding and direct access. Experiment I demonstrated that exception words that have a guide to their pronunciation listed in theOxford Paperback Dictionary (e.g., GAUGE) gave rise to longer lexical decision times than matched regular words (e.g., GRILL). Experiment 2 contrasted three types of words: exceptions that have dictionary-listed pronunciations, exceptions without listed pronunciations, and regular words. Lexieal decision responses to the first type were significantly longer than those produced to the other two types. Nonlisted exception words, however, did not differ from regular words. Experiment 3 confirmed the results of Experiment 2, using pronunciation speed as the dependent measure. Experiment 4 showed that the slower lexical decision times associated with dictionary-listed exception words remain when subjects are given speeded-response instructions. In contrast to earlier studies of a similar kind, these results indicate the existence of a phonological receding stage in reading. Furthermore, they suggest that the phonological recoding system is more flexible than was previously thought.     

Effects of word frequency and spelling-to-sound regularity in naming with and without preceding lexical decision

The effects of word frequency and spelling-to-sound regularity were examined using standard naming, standard lexical-decision, go/no-go naming, and go/no-go lexical-decision tasks. In both the standard and go/no-go naming tasks, tasks requiring phonological coding, a significant Frequency x Regularity interaction was observed. That is, the regularity effect was limited to low-frequency words. In the standard and go/no-go lexical-decision tasks, tasks not requiring phonological coding, no Frequency x Regularity interaction was observed. These results indicate not only that the Frequency x Regularity interaction is a product of phonological coding processes but also that these processes are similar in the standard and go/no-go naming tasks. Results are discussed in terms of the dual-route and the parallel distributed processing frameworks.     

Lexical morphology and lexical access.

Research on morphology in word recognition has been plagued by conflicting results (McQueen & Cutler, 1998, give a recent review). Some findings suggest that words are accessed as full forms, while others suggest that words are accessed in terms of their component morphemes. The answer may lie in the properties of the affixes themselves: Kiparsky's (1982) Lexical Phonology and Morphology assigns affixes in English to different "levels" of attachment, based on their productivity, order of attachment, and phonological interaction with roots. We present data suggesting that productive, phonologically neutral, semantically transparent "Level 2" suffixes are "decomposed" for analysis in some cases, but that words with idiosyncratic, structure-changing, semantically opaque "Level 1" suffixes are not.     

Phonemes: Lexical access and beyond

Phonemes play a central role in traditional theories as units of speech perception and access codes to lexical representations. Phonemes have two essential properties: they are ‘segment-sized’ (the size of a consonant or vowel) and abstract (a single phoneme may be have different acoustic realisations). Nevertheless, there is a long history of challenging the phoneme hypothesis, with some theorists arguing for differently sized phonological units (e.g. features or syllables) and others rejecting abstract codes in favour of representations that encode detailed acoustic properties of the stimulus. The phoneme hypothesis is the minority view today. We defend the phoneme hypothesis in two complementary ways. First, we show that rejection of phonemes is based on a flawed interpretation of empirical findings. For example, it is commonly argued that the failure to find acoustic invariances for phonemes rules out phonemes. However, the lack of invariance is only a problem on the assumption that speech perception is a bottom-up process. If learned sublexical codes are modified by top-down constraints (which they are), then this argument loses all force. Second, we provide strong positive evidence for phonemes on the basis of linguistic data. Almost all findings that are taken (incorrectly) as evidence against phonemes are based on psycholinguistic studies of single words. However, phonemes were first introduced in linguistics, and the best evidence for phonemes comes from linguistic analyses of complex word forms and sentences. In short, the rejection of phonemes is based on a false analysis and a too-narrow consideration of the relevant data.     

Lexical access in the production of pronouns

Speakers can use pronouns when their conceptual referents are accessible from the preceding discourse, as in 'The flower is red. It turns blue'. Theories of language production agree that in order to produce a noun semantic, syntactic, and phonological information must be accessed. However, little is known about lexical access to pronouns. In this paper, we propose a model of pronoun access in German. Since the forms of German pronouns depend on the grammatical gender of the nouns they replace, the model claims that speakers must access the syntactic representation of the replaced noun (its lemma) to select a pronoun. In two experiments using the lexical decision during naming paradigm [Levelt, W.J.M., Schriefers, H., Vorberg, D., Meyer, A.S., Pechmann, T., Havinga, J., 1991a. The time course of lexical access in speech production: a study of picture naming. Psychological Review 98, 122-142], we investigated whether lemma access automatically entails the activation of the corresponding word form or whether a word form is only activated when the noun itself is produced, but not when it is replaced by a pronoun. Experiment 1 showed that during pronoun production the phonological form of the replaced noun is activated. Experiment 2 demonstrated that this phonological activation was not a residual of the use of the noun in the preceding sentence. Thus, when a pronoun is produced, the lemma and the phonological form of the replaced noun become reactivated.     

Lexical access in the production of noun phrases.

In order to encode an event or a thought into language, the speaker has to access words from the mental lexicon and order them according to the rules of syntax. The present study taps into these components of language production as they proceed in time. The utterances investigated were Dutch noun phrases with a prenominal adjective (e.g., het groene huis--the green house). The results of two picture--word interference experiments showed interference effects from semantically related noun distractors, extending findings from production of single words to the production of phrases. In addition, the syntactic format of the noun phrase had an influence on the size and the time course of the semantic interference effect. On the basis of the results of these two experiments, a working model of the processes involved in the production of noun phrases is proposed.     

Lexical access of function versus content words

There has been a simmering debate as to whether evidence exists for differential processes of lexical access for function and content words. This has centered around the frequency effect (higher word frequency reducing access times for content words but not function words). Previous work has used the lexical decision paradigm, which has been shown to reflect more than lexical access times. We measured naming times for words in sentences read for meaning. Our findings confirm that lexical access for function words is indeed faster than for content words as predicted by neurolinguistic theory and electrophysiological evidence, but that this difference can be attributed to word predictability (Cloze value) and word familiarity (log frequency). We also show that differences in frequency effect for the two word types holds only for the lower frequency words and not at all for the higher frequency words. We discuss the implications of the results for neurolinguistic theory.     

Redefining the regularity effect

This study reports two experiments that further explore the regularity effect in single-word pronunciation. Experiment 1 shows that regularity effects are found only with irregular words that are “true” exceptions (e.g., PINT, MONK, BROAD). Words that are irregular in terms of grapheme-to-phoneme correspondence rules, but either are regular in terms of a higher order correspondence rule (e.g., PALM, HEALTH) or possess a divergent, although reasonably common, correspondence (e.g., GLOVE, HEAD), produce response times similar to those produced by regular words. These results indicate that the regularity effect is restricted to a smaller set of words than previously has been thought. Experiment 2 examines the regularity effect when subjects are required to delay their responses by 1,500 msec; no difference between exception and regular words is found. This finding indicates that previous demonstrations of the regularity effect cannot be attributed to articulatory differences between exception and regular word samples. Theoretical accounts of the regularity effect are considered briefly.     

Lexical access for low- and high-frequency words in Hebrew

The hypothesis that phonological mediation is involved to a greater extent in the recognition of low- than in the recognition of high-frequency words was examined using Hebrew. Hebrew has two forms of spelling, pointed and unpointed, which differ greatly in the extent of phonological ambiguity, with the unpointed spelling lacking almost all vowel information. A lexical decision task was employed using target words that had only one pronunciation whether pointed or unpointed. Targets were either pointed or unpointed and were preceded by a prime, which for word targets, was either semantically related or unrelated. The results indicated the following: First, the advantage of pointed over unpointed spelling was larger for low-frequency than for high-frequency words, suggesting a stronger phonological mediation for low-frequency words. Second, the size of the pointing effect was independent of word length, suggesting that phonology is obtained on the basis of the printed word as a whole, by looking it up in a phonological lexicon. Third, response latency to nonwords was not affected by the presence or absence of pointing, suggesting that failure to locate the entry corresponding to a letter string in a phonological lexicon results in a NO decision. Fourth, presence of a related prime was not found to compensate for absence of pointing, suggesting that the activation of a word’s representation in the semantic lexicon does not aid access to its corresponding entry in the phonological lexicon.     

Overtensing and the effect of regularity

Regularly inflected forms often behave differently in language production than irregular forms. These differences are often used to argue that irregular forms are listed in the lexicon but regular forms are produced by rule. Using an experimental speech production task with adults, it is shown that overtensing errors, where a tensed verb is used in place of an infinitive, predominantly involve irregular forms, but that the differences may be due to phonological confounds, not to regularity per se. Errors involve vowel‐changing irregular forms more than suffixing inflected forms, with at best a small difference between regular ‐ed and irregular ‐en. Frequency effects on overtensing errors require a model in which the past‐tense and base forms of the verb are in competition and in which activation functions are nonlinear, and rule out models with specialized subnetworks for past‐tense forms. Implications for theories of language production are discussed.     

Lexical access revisited: Evidence from picture-pseudoword interference

In the present picture–word interference experiments, auditory pseudoword distractors were constructed to be semantically, phonologically, or doubly (semantically and phonologically) similar to the target. The degree and the location of segmental overlap with the target and/or the semantic alternative were varied systematically. The results reveal that different degrees of overlap with the target and/or the semantic alternative induce a fine-grained pattern of interference effects in picture naming, while the location of overlap is less influential. Implications of the present findings for models of lexical retrieval are discussed.     

Lexical factors in the word-superiority effect

In the Reicher-Wheeler paradigm, fluent readers can identify letters better when they appear in a word than when they appear in either a pronounceable pseudoword (a lexicality effect) or a single letter (a word-letter effect). It was predicted that if both of these effects involve a lexical factor, then adult acquired dyslexic subjects whose deficit prevents access to visual word form should show disruptions of the normal effects on the Reicher-Wheeler task. The results were that dyslexic subjects as well as matched control subjects showed a lexicality effect; however, while the control subjects showed a normal word-letter effect, the dyslexic subjects showed a reverse letter-superiority effect. Both effects, however, showed a systematic variation: As performance on lexical decision improved, the subjects' performance on words in the Reicher-Wheeler task was better than that for all the other conditions. These subject correlations were replicated by using data from a second lexical decision experiment, which utilized the same words and pseudowords that were used in the Reicher-Wheeler task. In addition, an item analysis showed that the words that the subjects had discriminated correctly in lexical decision showed a significant advantage over those that they had not, as well as an improvement relative to the other conditions. These results suggest that there is a lexical factor underlying the lexicality and word-letter effects, and it is proposed that the abnormal letter-superiority effect can be accounted for as the manifestation of other competing factors.     

Lexical access of resyllabified words: Evidence from phoneme monitoring

Resyllabification is a phonological process in which consonants are attached to syllables other than those from which they originally came. In four experiments, we investigated whether resyllabified words, such as "my bike is" pronounced as "mai.bai.kis," are more difficult to recognize than nonresyllabified words. Using a phoneme-monitoring task, we found that phonemes in resyllabified words were detected more slowly than those in nonresyllabified words. This difference increased when recognition of the carrier word was made more difficult. Acoustic differences between the target words themselves could not account for the results, because cross-splicing the resyllabified and nonresyllabified carrier words did not change the pattern. However, when nonwords were used as carriers, the effect disappeared. It is concluded that resyllabification increases the lexical-processing demands, which then interfere with phoneme monitoring.     

Lexical access in Catalan Signed Language (LSC) production

This paper investigates whether the semantic and phonological levels in speech production are specific to spoken languages or universal across modalities. We examined semantic and phonological effects during Catalan Signed Language (LSC: Llengua de Signes Catalana) production using an adaptation of the picture-word interference task: native and non-native signers were asked to sign picture names while ignoring signs produced in the background. The results showed semantic interference effects for semantically related distractor signs and phonological facilitation effects when target signs and distractor signs shared either Handshape or Movement but phonological interference effects when target and distractor shared Location. The results suggest that the general distinction between semantic and phonological levels seems to hold across modalities. However, differences in sign language and spoken production become evident in the mechanisms underlying phonological encoding, shown by the different role that Location, Handshape, and Movement play during phonological encoding in sign language.