Brief report: How many dimensions in the prosocial behavior scale? Psychometric investigation in French-speaking adolescents

The purpose of the study was to evaluate the factor structure and the reliability of the Prosocial Behavior Scale (PBS). To our knowledge, no factorial validity of the multifactorial structure of PBS has been published to date. The psychometric characteristics of the PBS were examined in several samples of French adolescents (aged 11–19, N1 = 1141, N2 = 1071, and N3 = 1640) using Confirmatory factor analyses (CFA). The original four-factor structure was not confirmed due to lack of discriminant validity. CFA led us to retain a two-factor solution with a good fit and a satisfactory reliability. Furthermore, the results support the convergent validity of the PBS: helping and caring dimensions were positively correlated with empathy. In addition, partial measurement invariance across gender and grade was attested. In conclusion, the results indicate that the French version of the PBS is a useful instrument for the assessment of prosocial behaviors in adolescence.     

Rearing in response to a visual conditioned stimulus: An index of associative strength or of associability?

Two procedures for observing rearing behavior during a localized visual CS paired with an appetitive US were compared within subjects during classical conditioning and extinction procedures. When rearing was observed using the method and response definition described by P. C. Holland (1977, Journal of Experimental Psychology: Animal Behavior Processes, 3, 77–104), responding was acquired and maintained during conditioning trials in rats receiving paired presentations of the CS and US, but not in rats receiving the stimuli according to a “truly random” procedure. When rearing of the same rats was observed using the method and response definition described by H. Kaye and J. M. Pearce (1984, Journal of Experimental Psychology: Animal Behavior Processes, 10, 90–109), responding declined across conditioning trials in both groups. Furthermore, in extinction, rearing during the CS declined according to Holland's scoring method but was temporarily restored according to Kaye and Pearce's scoring. Observations of a second behavior, magazine responding, revealed essentially the same pattern of responding for both methods of scoring. These results support the position that the response criteria used by Holland and by Kaye and Pearce assess different components of behavior that occur in response to a visual CS, reflecting associative strength (i.e., a CR) and associability of the CS (i.e., an OR), respectively.     

Temporal variations in visual completion: a reflection of spatial limits?

The completion of partly occluded objects appears instantaneous and effortless, but empirically takes measurable time. The current study investigates how amount of occlusion affects the time course and mechanisms of visual completion. Experiment 1 used a primed-matching paradigm to determine completion times for objects occluded by various amounts. Experiments 2 and 3 used a dot-localization paradigm to probe completed contour representations for a qualitative shift above some spatial limit. The results demonstrate that time to completion rises with amount of occlusion. Nonetheless, the visual system can complete highly occluded objects, even when the occlusion renders visible contours nonrelatable. Furthermore, prolonged completion times for highly occluded objects do not result from a breakdown of low-level interpolation processes: The same contour completion mechanism operates on objects occluded by different spatial extents.     

Auditory and visual differences in time perception? An investigation from a developmental perspective with neuropsychological tests

Adults and children (5- and 8-year-olds) performed a temporal bisection task with either auditory or visual signals and either a short (0.5-1.0s) or long (4.0-8.0s) duration range. Their working memory and attentional capacities were assessed by a series of neuropsychological tests administered in both the auditory and visual modalities. Results showed an age-related improvement in the ability to discriminate time regardless of the sensory modality and duration. However, this improvement was seen to occur more quickly for auditory signals than for visual signals and for short durations rather than for long durations. The younger children exhibited the poorest ability to discriminate time for long durations presented in the visual modality. Statistical analyses of the neuropsychological scores revealed that an increase in working memory and attentional capacities in the visuospatial modality was the best predictor of age-related changes in temporal bisection performance for both visual and auditory stimuli. In addition, the poorer time sensitivity for visual stimuli than for auditory stimuli, especially in the younger children, was explained by the fact that the temporal processing of visual stimuli requires more executive attention than that of auditory stimuli.     

Why is it difficult to see in the fog? How stimulus contrast affects visual perception and visual memory

Processing visually degraded stimuli is a common experience. We struggle to find house keys on dim front porches, to decipher slides projected in overly bright seminar rooms, and to read 10th-generation photocopies. In this research, we focus specifically on stimuli that are degraded via reduction of stimuluscontrast and address two questions. First, why is it difficult to process low-contrast, as compared with high-contrast, stimuli? Second, is the effect of contrastfundamental in that its effect is independent of the stimulus being processed and the reason for processing the stimulus? We formally address and answer these questions within the context of a series of nested theories, each providing a successively stronger definition of what it means for contrast to affect perception and memory. To evaluate the theories, we carried out six experiments. Experiments 1 and 2 involved simple stimuli (randomly generated forms and digit strings), whereas Experiments 3–6 involved naturalistic pictures (faces, houses, and cityscapes). The stimuli were presented at two contrast levels and at varying exposure durations. The data from all the experiments allow the conclusion that some function of stimulus contrast combines multiplicatively with stimulus duration at a stage prior to that at which the nature of the stimulus and the reason for processing it are determined, and it is the result of this multiplicative combination that determines eventual memory performance. We describe a stronger version of this theory— the sensory response, information acquisition theory—which has at its core, the strong Bloch’s-law-like assumption of a fundamental visual system response that is proportional to the product of stimulus contrast and stimulus duration. This theory was, as it has been in the past, highly successful in accounting for memory for simple stimuli shown at short (i.e., shorter than an eye fixation) durations. However, it was less successful in accounting for data from short-duration naturalistic pictures and was entirely unsuccessful in accounting for data from naturalistic pictures shown at longer durations. We discuss (1) processing differences between short- and long-duration stimuli, (2) processing differences between simple stimuli, such as digits, and complex stimuli, such as pictures, (3) processing differences between biluminant stimuli (such as line drawings with only two luminance levels) and multiluminant stimuli (such as grayscale pictures with multiple luminance levels), and (4) Bloch’s law and a proposed generalization of the concept ofmetamers.     

Infants’ responsiveness to the auditory and visual attributes of a sounding/moving stimulus

Responses to unimodal and multimodal attributes of a compouMauxlitoryMsuat stimulus were investigated in 4-, 6-, 8-, and 10-month-old infants. First, infants were habituated to a compound stimulus consisting of a visual stimulus that moved up anddown on a video monitor and a sound that occurred each time the visual stimulus reversed direction at the bottom. Once each infant met a habituation criterion, a series of test trials was administered to assess responsiveness to the components of the compound stimulus. Response was defined as the total duration of visual fixation in each trial. In the two unimodal test trials, the rate at which the component was presented was changed while the rate of the other component remained the same, whereas in the bimodal test trial the rate of both components was changed simultaneously. Results indicated that infants at each age successfully discriminated the bimodal and the two unimodal changes and that regression to the mean did not account for the results. Results also showed that disruption of the temporal relationship that accompanied the change in rate in the two unimodal test trials was also discriminable, but rate changes appeared to play a greater role in responsiveness than did synchrony changes. Considered together with results from similar prior studies, the current results are consistent with the modality appropriateness hypothesis in showing that discrimination of temporal changes in the auditory and visual modalities is dependent on the specialization of the sensory modalities.     

On the detectability of straight lines in visual noise: An extension of French’s paradigm into the millisecond domain

We report the results of a study that investigated the effects of four experimental parameters on the tachistoscopic detectability of dotted lines in a noisy background consisting of dynamic patterns of identical dots. Characteristics of the lines that were explored included dot spacing, dot numerosity, and line orientation. Dot spacing was shown to be the most powerful parameter in determining the masking effect: the closer the dots, the more easily the line was detected. Increasing the number of the dots was also effective in increasing the detectability of a line, but only up to a limit of five dots. The orientation of the line, on the other hand, did not alter its detectability. Increasing the density of the visual masking noise monotonically reduced the detectability of the line. These studies are an extension of French’s (1953, 1954) work, differing mainly in the fact that the stimulus material was presented tachistoscopically rather than in a mode that allowed prolonged (up to 5 sec) examination of the figures. Thus, they put the results in a domain in which physiological interpretations may be more critically evaluated. A comparison of the results suggests that essentially the same sorts of cognitive mechanisms are operating in the millisecond domain as in the longer exposures. This suggests that simple neurological models utilizing the concept of feature filters or detectors may be being prematurely applied to relatively complex perceptual processes.     

The perception of speaking rate using visual information from a talker’s face

It has been well documented that listeners are able to estimate speaking rate when listening to a talker, but almost no work has been done on perception of rate information provided by looking at a talker’s face. In the present study, the method of magnitude estimation was used to collect estimates of the rate at which a talker was speaking. The estimates were collected under four experimental conditions: auditory only, visual only, combined auditory-visual, and inverted visual only. The results showed no difference in the slope of the functions relating perceived rate to physical rate for the auditory only, visual only, and combined auditory-visual presentations. There was, however, a significant difference between the normal visual-only and the inverted-visual presentations. These results indicate that there is visual rate information available on a talker’s face and, more importantly, suggest that there is a correspondence between the auditory and visual modalities for the perception of speaking rate, but only when the visual information is presented in its normal orientation.     

How do you fake a personality test? An investigation of cognitive models of impression-managed responding

Because faking poses a threat to the validity of personality measures, research has focused on ways of detecting faking, including the use of response times. However, the applicability and validity of these approaches are dependent upon the actual cognitive process underlying faking. This study tested three competing cognitive models in order to identify the process underlying faking and to determine whether response time patterns are a viable method of detecting faking. Specifically, we used a within-subjects manipulation of instructions (respond honestly, make a good impression, make a specific impression) to examine whether the distribution of response times across response scale options (e.g., disagree, agree) could be used to identify faking on the NEO PI-R. Our results suggest that individuals reference a schema of an ideal respondent when faking. As a result, response time patterns such as the well-known inverted-U cannot be used to identify faking.     

How does the purpose of inspection influence the potency of visual salience in scene perception?

Salience-map models have been taken to suggest that the locations of eye fixations are determined by the extent of the low-level discontinuities in an image. While such models have found some support, an increasing emphasis on the task viewers are performing implies that these models must combine with cognitive demands to describe how the eyes are guided efficiently. An experiment is reported in which eye movements to objects in photographs were examined while viewers performed a memory-encoding task or one of two search tasks. The objects depicted in the scenes had known salience ranks according to a popular model. Participants fixated higher-salience objects sooner and more often than lower-salience objects, but only when memorising scenes. This difference shows that salience-map models provide useful predictions even in complex scenes and late in viewing. However, salience had no effects when searching for a target defined by category or exemplar. The results suggest that salience maps are not used to guide the eyes in these tasks, that cognitive override by task demands can be total, and that modelling top-down search is important but may not be easily accomplished within a salience-map framework.     

How are inflectional affixes organized in the mental lexicon?: evidence from the investigation of agreement errors in agrammatic aphasics

Recent psycholinguistic studies have provided evidence that regularly inflected words are decomposed into stems and affixes, both of which have their own representations in the mental lexicon. Specific models of the lexical organization of inflectional affixes have, however, only rarely been investigated in psycho- or neurolinguistic work. We test two recently proposed theoretical models: a representation of affixes (i) in default inheritance trees (Corbett and Fraser, 1993) and (ii) in underspecified paradigms (Wunderlich, 1996). Based on an analysis of agreement errors in elicited speech-production data of German agrammatic aphasics, we argue that affixes are organized with respect to the morphosyntactic features they encode. Specifically, our data indicate that inflectional affixes are best captured within an underspecified paradigm.     

Is stimulus structure in the Mind's eye? An examination of dimensional structure in iconic memory

Three experiments examined integral and separable dimensions as attentional selective cues from iconic memory. Sperling's partial-report task was employed with physically separable and physically integral stimuli. Stimulus displays were varied in terms of the redundancy of the irrelevant non-cued dimensions—i.e. control, correlated, and orthogonal conditions within Garner's (1974a) framework—and selective readout performance was measured. The results demonstrate that, in initial processing, physically separable dimensions (e.g., circle size vs. angle of radial line) can be selectively attended to as independent dimensions, but physically integral dimensions (e.g., size vs. brightness and height vs. width) can only be represented as wholistic integral objects. Implications of these findings for current models of feature integration and perceptual development are discussed.     

NoA’s ark: Influence of the number of associates in visual word recognition

The main aim of this study was to explore the extent to which the number of associates of a word (NoA) influences lexical access, in four tasks that focus on different processes of visual word recognition: lexical decision, reading aloud, progressive demasking, and online sentence reading. Results consistently showed that words with a dense associative neighborhood (high-NoA words) were processed faster than words with a sparse neighborhood (low-NoA words), extending previous findings from English lexical decision and categorization experiments. These results are interpreted in terms of the higher degree of semantic richness of high-NoA words as compared with low-NoA words. 2008 Psychonomic Society, Inc. Author Note     

How long does it take to find a cause? An online investigation of implicit causality in sentence production

Some interpersonal verbs show an implicit causality bias in favour of their subject or their object. Such a bias is generally seen in offline continuation tasks where participants are required to finish a fragment containing the verb (e.g., Peter annoyed Jane because …). The implicit causality bias has been ascribed to the subject's focusing on the initiator of the event denoted by the verb. According to this “focusing theory” the implicit cause has a higher level of activation, at least after the connective “because” has been read. Recently, the focusing theory has been criticized by researchers who used a probe recognition or reading-time methodology. However no clear alternative has been proposed to explain the offline continuation data. In this paper, we report three experiments using an online continuation task, which showed that subjects took more time to imagine an ending when the fragment to be completed contained an anaphor that was incongruent with the verbal bias (e.g., Peter annoyed Jane because she …). This result suggests that the offline continuation data could reflect the cognitive effort associated with finding a predicate with an agent incongruent with the implicit causality bias of a verb. In the discussion, we suggest that this effort could be related to the number of constraints that an incongruent clause must satisfy to be consistent with the causal structure of the discourse.     

How long does it take to find a cause? An online investigation of implicit causality in sentence production

Some interpersonal verbs show an implicit causality bias in favour of their subject or their object. Such a bias is generally seen in offline continuation tasks where participants are required to finish a fragment containing the verb (e.g., Peter annoyed Jane because ...). The implicit causality bias has been ascribed to the subject's focusing on the initiator of the event denoted by the verb. According to this "focusing theory" the implicit cause has a higher level of activation, at least after the connective "because" has been read. Recently, the focusing theory has been criticized by researchers who used a probe recognition or reading-time methodology. However no clear alternative has been proposed to explain the offline continuation data. In this paper, we report three experiments using an online continuation task, which showed that subjects took more time to imagine an ending when the fragment to be completed contained an anaphor that was incongruent with the verbal bias (e.g., Peter annoyed Jane because she ...). This result suggests that the offline continuation data could reflect the cognitive effort associated with finding a predicate with an agent incongruent with the implicit causality bias of a verb. In the discussion, we suggest that this effort could be related to the number of constraints that an incongruent clause must satisfy to be consistent with the causal structure of the discourse.     

Look up to the body: An eye-tracking investigation of 7-months-old infants’ visual exploration of emotional body expressions

The human body is an important source of information to infer a person’s emotional state. Research with adult observers indicate that the posture of the torso, arms and hands provide important perceptual cues for recognising anger, fear and happy expressions. Much less is known about whether infants process body regions differently for different body expressions. To address this issue, we used eye tracking to investigate whether infants’ visual exploration patterns differed when viewing body expressions. Forty-eight 7-months-old infants were randomly presented with static images of adult female bodies expressing anger, fear and happiness, as well as an emotionally-neutral posture. Facial cues to emotional state were removed by masking the faces. We measured the proportion of looking time, proportion and number of fixations, and duration of fixations on the head, upper body and lower body regions for the different expressions. We showed that infants explored the upper body more than the lower body. Importantly, infants at this age fixated differently on different body regions depending on the expression of the body posture. In particular, infants spent a larger proportion of their looking times and had longer fixation durations on the upper body for fear relative to the other expressions. These results extend and replicate the information about infant processing of emotional expressions displayed by human bodies, and they support the hypothesis that infants’ visual exploration of human bodies is driven by the upper body.     

What’s the object of object working memory in infancy? Unraveling ‘what’ and ‘how many’

Infants have a bandwidth-limited object working memory (WM) that can both individuate and identify objects in a scene, (answering ‘how many?’ or ‘what?’, respectively). Studies of infants’ WM for objects have typically looked for limits on either ‘how many’ or ‘what’, yielding different estimates of infant capacity. Infants can keep track of about three individuals (regardless of identity), but appear to be much more limited in the number of specific identities they can recall. Why are the limits on ‘how many’ and ‘what’ different? Are the limits entirely separate, do they interact, or are they simply two different aspects of the same underlying limit?We sought to unravel these limits in a series of experiments which tested 9- and 12-month-olds’ WM for object identities under varying degrees of difficulty. In a violation-of-expectation looking-time task, we hid objects one at a time behind separate screens, and then probed infants’ WM for the shape identity of the penultimate object in the sequence. We manipulated the difficulty of the task by varying both the number of objects in hiding locations and the number of means by which infants could detect a shape change to the probed object. We found that 9-month-olds’ WM for identities was limited by the number of hiding locations: when the probed object was one of two objects hidden (one in each of two locations), 9-month-olds succeeded, and they did so even though they were given only one means to detect the change. However, when the probed object was one of three objects hidden (one in each of three locations), they failed, even when they were given two means to detect the shape change. Twelve-month-olds, by contrast, succeeded at the most difficult task level.Results show that WM for ‘how many’ and for ‘what’ are not entirely separate. Individuated objects are tracked relatively cheaply. Maintaining bindings between indexed objects and identifying featural information incurs a greater attentional/memory cost. This cost reduces with development. We conclude that infant WM supports a small number of featureless object representations that index the current locations of objects. These can have featural information bound to them, but only at substantial cost.     

Problem Gambling in Adolescence: An Analysis Conducted from the Actor’s Perspective

The objective of this study is, by using the general theory of rationality (GTR), to better understand the rationale underlying gambling behavior in adolescents considered to have gambling problems. The study explore gambling associated benefits, negative consequences of gambling, and the adolescents’ perceptions of the severity of their gambling behavior. The qualitative research is based on semi-structured interviews with 31 adolescents considered as having gambling problems. The analysis revealed that gambling behavior are based on a threefold rationality: instrumental, cognitive and axiological. The GTR allows to better understand why most of them do not consider to have gambling problems.