Instructions and reinforcement in the observing behavior of adults and children

Observing responses of college students and children of different ages (4 to 5, 9 to 10, and 13 to 14 years) were studied using two-component schedules of reinforcement. Different frequencies or numbers of points were given in the components and points were backed by either money or instructions about getting points (e.g., “points are for the experimenter's information only”). Stimuli that were either correlated or uncorrelated with the components were contingent on presses on either of two concurrently available levers (observing responses). In each of three experiments, preferences for stimuli were consistent with the conditioned-reinforcement hypothesis of observing but inconsistent with the uncertainty-reduction hypothesis. Stimulus preferences were established, eliminated, or reversed by instructions about the significance of getting points not backed with money. Instructions to in effect ignore points with no monetary value eliminated stimulus preference provided that money was not associated with points in other conditions for the same subjects. Stimulus preferences were otherwise independent of monetary point value. Instructions that described reinforcement contingencies promoted more rapid adjustment to the contingencies than occurred without them, and preferences were less variable across sessions within subjects and were on the average more extreme. Although some results involving absolute rates of observing depended upon the age of subjects, stimulus preferences did not. The data suggest that the conditioned-reinforcement hypothesis of observing has considerable generality for humans in choice procedures in the laboratory. That monetary value of points did not affect preferences in a graded fashion is consistent with versions of the conditioned-reinforcement hypothesis which emphasize reduction in delay to reinforcement over other reinforcement parameters.     

Home-based reinforcement and the modification of pre-delinquents' classroom behavior

In Exp. I, five pre-delinquents from Achievement Place attended a special summer school math class where study behavior and rule violations were measured daily for each boy. The boys were required to take a "report card" for the teacher to mark. The teacher simply marked yes or no whether a boy had "studied the whole period" and "obeyed the class rules." All yeses earned privileges in the home that day but a no lost all the privileges. Using a reversal design, it was shown that privileges dispensed remotely could significantly improve classroom performance. In Exp. II and III, home-based reinforcement was also shown to be effective in improving the study behavior of two youths in public school classrooms. In addition, data from Exp. III suggest that the daily feedback and reinforcement may be faded without much loss in study behavior. Home-based reinforcement was demonstrated to be a very effective and practical classroom behavior modification technique.     

Instructions and group versus individual reinforcement in modifying disruptive group behavior

Head Start children were matched into two groups on the basis of rates of disruptive behavior during rest periods. Attempts were made to modify their behavior using either individual or group token reinforcement procedures. While the reinforcement procedures reduced inappropriate behavior somewhat, the addition of instructions to the reinforcement reduced the inappropriate behavior to near zero for both groups. Instructions alone, however, were ineffective in controlling behavior. Type of reinforcement (group or individual) did not produce differential effects. While experimental control over the target behavior was demonstrated, there was little carryover from the experimental room to the regular classroom. Even when treatment was introduced into the regular class, follow-up results showed that with time the target behavior approximated pretreatment levels. The results suggest that (a) the combination of instructions and reinforcement is much more effective than either one of these alone, (b) behavior change is specific to the environmental contingencies, and (c) the group reinforcement technique, which is much more easily implemented, was at least as effective as individual reinforcement in the present study.     

Development and modification of a response class via positive and negative reinforcement: a translational approach

When responses function to produce the same reinforcer, a response class exists. Researchers have examined response classes in applied settings; however, the challenges associated with conducting applied research on response class development have recently necessitated the development of an analogue response class model. To date, little research has examined response classes that are strengthened by negative reinforcement. The current investigation was designed to develop a laboratory model of a response class through positive reinforcement (i.e., points exchangeable for money) and through negative reinforcement (i.e., the avoidance of scheduled point losses) with 11 college students as participants and clicks as the operant. Results of both the positive and negative reinforcement evaluations showed that participants usually selected the least effortful response that produced points or the avoidance of point losses, respectively. The applied implications of the findings are discussed, along with the relevance of the present model to the study of punishment and resurgence.     

Effects of candy and social reinforcement, instructions, and reinforcement schedule leaning on the modification and maintenance of smiling

Two retarded boys exhibited abnormally low rates of smiling. In Exp. I, the frequency of a boy's smiling was first increased with candy reinforcement, but the frequency of the response did not decrease when candy reinforcement was terminated. When the subject wore a sign designed to make social interactions contingent on not-smiling, the frequency of smiling decreased. The sign was then changed to make social interactions contingent on smiling and the rate of smiling increased. In Exp. II, a second boy initially never smiled. Establishment of a contingency for candy reinforcement did not increase this zero response rate. Instructing the child to smile initially increased smiling, but the instructions then became progressively more ineffective. Candy reinforcement increased the rate of smiling to a normal range, but the rate of the response promptly decreased when this reinforcement was discontinued. Continuous candy reinforcement was again employed to increase the response rate and then progressively leaner schedules of variable-ratio candy reinforcement were employed. Consequently, the rate of smiling did not decrease when candy reinforcement was again eliminated. Subsequently, signs were employed to regulate social interactions and the rate of smiling was shown to be controlled by these interactions serving as reinforcers.     

Differential reinforcement of reaction times in developmental retardates.

The effects of differential reinforcement on reaction times to two intensities of reaction signal were investigated in 36 developmental retardates. One group was reinforced for reaction times to the higher intensity signal; a second group was reinforced for reaction times to the lower intensity signal; a third group received no reinforcement. Reaction time decreased as signal intensity increased and decreased over sessions as a function of reinforcement. Likewise, reinforcement either exaggerated or reversed differences in reaction times to each signal depending on the particular reinforcement contingency. Results were discussed in terms of attentional and motivational explanations of effects of signal intensity on reaction times of retardates.     

Effects of stimulus frequency and reinforcement variables on reaction time

Pigeons pecked at one of two black forms, “+” or “O,” either of which could appear alone on a white computer monitor screen. In baseline series of sessions, each form appeared equally often, and two pecks at it produced food reinforcement on 10% of trials. Test series varied the relative probability or duration of reinforcement or frequency of appearance of the targets. Peck reaction times, measured from target onset to the first peck, were found to vary as a function of reinforcement probability but not as a function of relative target frequency or of reinforcement duration. Reaction times to the two targets remained approximately equal as long as the probability of reinforcement, per trial, was equal for the targets, even if the relative frequency of the targets differed by as much as 19 to 1. The results address issues raised in visual search experiments and indicate that attentional priming is unimportant when targets are easy to detect. The results also suggest that equalizing reinforcement probability per trial for all targets removes differential reinforcement as an important variable. That reaction time was sensitive to the probability but not the duration of reinforcement raises interesting questions about the processes reflected in reaction time compared with rate as a response measure.     

Subjective uncertainty,the orientation reaction,and the reinforcement of an instrumental response

In Experiment 1, Ss were exposed to slides of intermediate blur for 5, 10, 30, or 60 sec and were asked to guess the identity of the blurred object and to estimate how confident they were of each guess. The S’s task in Experiment 2 was merely to view the blurred slides while S’s EEG waves were being recorded. After being exposed to a blurred slide for a certain duration, in Experiment 3, Ss were required, by means of a key press, to choose to view either a clear version of the blurred slide or an unrelated clear picture. Uncertainty/second, EEG desynchronization/’second, and related choices were all found to be a negatively sloped function of viewing duration.