A Defense of Stiffer Penalties for Hate Crimes

After defining a hate crime as an offense in which the criminal selects the victim at least in part because of an animus toward members of the group to which the victim belongs, this essay surveys the standard justifications for state punishment en route to defending the permissibility of imposing stiffer penalties for hate crimes. It also argues that many standard instances of rape and domestic battery are hate crimes and may be punished as such.     

Moral Responsibility and Tourette Syndrome1

Philosophers generally assume that individuals with Tourette syndrome are not responsible for their Tourettic tics, and so not blameworthy for any harm their tics might cause. Yet this assumption is based largely on ignorance of the lived experience of Tourette syndrome. Individuals with Tourette syndrome often experience their tics as freely chosen and reason‐responsive. Yet it still seems wrong to treat a Tourettic individual's tic as on a moral par with others’ actions. In this paper, I examine the options and argue that, if this is correct, then a surprising consequence follows: the standard, motivation‐based theory of desire must be false. I go on to argue that, given what is known about the neurological basis of Tourette syndrome, this is a reasonable conclusion to draw.     

Driving Under the Influence (of Stress): Evidence of a Regional Increase in Impaired Driving and Traffic Fatalities After the September 11 Terrorist Attacks

ABSTRACT— Did the September 11 terrorist attacks elicit a subsequent increase in traffic fatalities? Gigerenzer (2004) argued that decreases in flying and increases in driving in the 3 months after the attacks led to 353 "surplus" traffic fatalities. We applied a more systematic analysis to the same data and found no evidence of a significant increase in miles driven or of a significant increase in traffic fatalities. However, we did find evidence for a regional effect of the attacks on driving behaviors. We hypothesized that geographic proximity to the attacks increased stress, which in turn decreased driving quality. Our analyses revealed that in the last 3 months of 2001, the Northeast exhibited a significant increase in traffic fatalities, as well as a significant increase in fatal accidents involving an alcohol- or drug-related citation. Increased stress related to physical proximity to the attacks may explain the increase in traffic fatalities.     

Satisfaction with Initial Work Assignment and Organizational Commitment1

The present study examined the moderating effects of role stressors on the relationship between initial work assignment satisfaction and organizational commitment. Moderated multiple regression analyses on data collected from 76 employees of an American military Research and Development (R&D) laboratory indicated that initial work assignment satisfaction accounted for little variance in commitment among workers low in role conflict but considerable variance among workers high in role conflict. However, role ambiguity had no moderating effect on the initial work assignment satisfaction-commitment relationship.     

Responsibility and obsessive-compulsive disorder: an experimental test

To test the causal status of responsibility in obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD), an experiment was executed in which responsibility was experimentally manipulated. OCD patients, non-OCD anxiety controls, and non-patients executed a classification task in either a high or a low responsibility (LoRes) condition. Subjective ratings related to danger and responsibility indicated that the manipulation was successful. Subjective OCD-like experiences and checking behaviors were higher in OCD patients in the high responsibility (HiRes) condition than in all other groups. Although the checking subscale of the Padua Inventory correlated with subjective ratings in the OCD patients in the HiRes condition, it was not associated with checking behaviors. The results confirm the hypothesis that responsibility plays a causal role in OCD.     

Wimpy and undeserving of respect: Penalties for men’s gender-inconsistent success

Results of an experimental study varying the sex of the employee and the gender-type of the job demonstrated that men, as well as women, are penalized when they are successful in areas that imply that they have violated gender norms. But the nature of these penalties differed. When depicted as being successful at a female gender-typed job, men were characterized as more ineffectual and afforded less respect than women successful at the same job or than men successful in a gender-consistent position. Women, in contrast, were more interpersonally derogated and disliked when said to be successful at a male gender-typed job. Regardless of these differing characterizations, both men and women successful in gender-inconsistent jobs were reported to be less preferable as bosses than their more normatively consistent counterparts. These results suggest that success, when it violates gender norms, can be disadvantageous for both men and women, but in different ways.     

Duress and Responsibility for Action

ABSTRACT Not all crimes require mens rea, but all serious ones do. Crudely the requirement is that the defendant be able to take responsibility for the actus reus of which he is accused. What must be implied by this is essentially that the agent retain control of his actions. It is unjust to punish actions which are outside of the agent's control since such punishment cannot deter and is, arguably, pointless.
Duress does not remove an agent's control of his actions. This does not mean that actions performed under duress should be viewed as fully intentional. For though the agent foresees and wishes for the result of his action performed under duress, it is wished for as the best option out of a range of alternatives manipulated by the one who makes the threats which constitute the duress. The agent is responsible for his choice, but not for what is available for him to choose. He has an obligation to do what is best in the circumstances and should not be blamed if that would, in other circumstances, be accounted criminal.     

Sensitivity and Responsibility for Consequences

Philosophical Studies -     

Penalties for Rape as a Function of Victim Provocativeness, Damage, and Resistance

Subjects responded to one of four cases of rape which they read by indicating how many years in prison the rapist should serve as a penalty. In Experiment 1, the cases presented the victim as either provocatively dressed or nonprovocatively dressed, and either pregnant as a result of the rape or not pregnant. Older subjects gave significantly higher penalties when the victim was pregnant, while younger subjects did not. In Experiment 2, the cases presented the victims as being either raped or robbed and as resisting or not resisting her attacker. Male subjects gave significantly lower penalties when the victim did not resist, while female subjecis gave higher penalties when the victim did not resist-this interaction being significant for both crimes.     

Self-Deception and Responsibility for Addiction

ABSTRACT We frequently accuse heavy drinkers and drug users of self‐deception if they refuse to admit that they are addicted. However, given the ways in which we usually conceptualize it, acknowledging addiction merely involves swapping one form of self‐deception for another. We ask addicts to see themselves as in the grip of an irresistible desire, and to accept that addiction is an essentially physiological process. To the extent this is so, we, as much as the addicts, suffer from self‐deception, and the responsibility for their state is in part ours. Conversely, since addicts are compelled to accept a self‐deceptive image of themselves, they are at least partially excused from blame for their self‐deception.     

Physical Size Stereotyping as a Mediator of Attributions of Responsibility in an Alleged Date-Rape Situation1

This research focuses on male and female observers' attributions of responsibility to a female accuser and a male accused of rape. Observers read 1 of 2 scenarios in which the accuser was either smaller or larger than the accused and then made judgments concerning each person's responsibility for what happened. The data indicated that the larger accuser was considered more responsible than the smaller accuser and the larger accused was perceived to be more responsible than the smaller accused. Females attributed more responsibility and had less sympathy, respect, and liking for the accused, whereas males attributed more responsibility and reported more negative attitudes toward the accuser. The results are discussed in terms of their implications for legal and health-care professionals.     

Responsibility and perfectionism in OCD: an experimental study

Cognitive models of obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD) suggest a number of different variables that may play a role in the development and maintenance of obsessive compulsive symptoms [Freeston, M. H., Rhéaume, J., & Ladouceur, R. (1996) Correcting faulty appraisals of obsessional thoughts. Behaviour Research and Therapy, 34, 433-446]. This study's aim was to verify the effect of perfectionism and excessive responsibility on checking behaviors and related variables. Twenty-four moderately perfectionistic subjects (MP) and 27 highly perfectionistic subjects (HP) were submitted to a manipulation of responsibility (low and high). After each manipulation, they had to perform a classification task during which checking behaviors were observed. Results indicate that more checking behaviors (hesitations, checking) occurred in the high responsibility condition than in the low responsibility condition for subjects of both groups. After executing the task in the high responsibility condition, HP subjects reported more influence over and responsibility for negative consequences than MP subjects. These results suggest that high perfectionistic tendencies could predispose individuals to overestimate their perceived responsibility for negative events. Furthermore, perfectionism could be conceived as playing a catalytic role in the perception of responsibility. Results are discussed according to cognitive models of OCD.     

Responsibility Attributions for Drunken Behavior: The Role of Expectancy Violation1

Research on attributions about drunken aggression has suggested that intoxication serves to excuse the aggressor while increasing blame to the victim. In this study, we examined subjects' responses to a scenario depicting a violent interaction in which intoxication of aggressor and victim, victim's behavior, and aggressor's previous violent background were varied. We predicted that to the extent that the violent act violated the expectations of the observer, alcohol intoxication would serve to decrease dispositional and responsibility attributions to the aggressor. Instead, the findings showed that alcohol use led to increased attributions of causality, blame, and responsibility for both aggressor and victim. The results are discussed in terms of both attribution theory and societal factors influencing the acceptability of excuses involving alcohol.     

Goals for counselling, psychotherapy and psychological education: Responsibility as an integrating concept

Responsibility may be viewed as a central integrating concept in counselling, psychotherapy, and psychological education. A distinction is made between responsibility to and responsibility for. The ultimate goal of counselling is to help clients towards taking effective responsibility for their own self-realising. Four mediating goals toward higher levels of self-realising are described: realism, relatedness, rewarding activity, and right-and-wrong (an ongoing process of ethical living). Some central sub-goals are suggested for these four areas, in each of which responsibility may be avoided or assumed.     

Responsibility for Health and Blaming Victims

If we are responsible for taking care of our health, are we blameworthy when we become sick because we failed to meet that responsibility? Or is it immoral to blame the victim of sickness? A moral perspective that is sensitive to therapeutic concerns will downplay blame, but banishing all blame is neither feasible nor desirable. We need to understand the ambiguities surrounding moral responsibility in four contexts: (1) preventing sickness, (2) assigning financial liabilities for health care costs, (3) giving meaning to human suffering, and (4) interacting with health care professionals. We also need to distinguish different kinds of blame, explore the interplay of justice and compassion in avoiding unjustified blaming of victims, and work toward a unified moral-therapeutic perspective that encourages individuals to accept responsibility while avoiding destructive forms of blaming.