从"法轮"含义的演变看"法轮功"邪教产生的历史根源

在中国佛教和道教的发展史中,两家经常借用对方的名词来表达自己的思想,产生了很多话语歧义。一般认为,法轮功邪教是抄袭盗用了佛教的“法轮”名词,笔者通过考证,发现“法轮功”邪教盗用的是道教经典中的“法轮”。明清时期的民间宗教、会首门泛滥成灾,它们大量盗用道教与佛教的教义和修持方法,李洪志从民间宗教、会道门那里学来一些东西,经过胡乱拼泰,编出了一套“法轮功”的歪理邪说。     

浅析李洪志的“真、善、忍”

李洪志是打着气功旗号起家的,名称开始叫“法轮功”,但他说他传的是“法轮佛法”。他的“法轮佛法”“不是低层次祛病健身的气功”,也“不是佛教”,“不是宗教”,而是“世界上一切学说中最玄奥、超常的科学”。为了与气功与宗教相区别,李洪志经常使用“法轮佛法”、“法轮大法”、“法轮修炼大法”、“法轮佛法大圆满法”、“宇宙根本大法”等名称,他的书也多以“法     

论“法轮功”与佛教的本质差异

李洪志一贯将自己的“法轮功”攀附佛教,一度宣传自己是释迦牟尼再世,一度又说他的功力比释迦牟尼还高,而“法轮”一词也是从佛教中盗用的。那么,我们来比较一下李洪志的“法轮功”与佛教境界的差异。     

根本不同的两法轮

李洪志在他的《转法轮》一书中多次强调“因为我们是佛家的”,所以他建立的所谓功法要采用佛家的符号．又自称：“我门法轮大法的标记是法轮。”“我们法轮大法是佛家8万4千法门中的一法门,在我们这一次人、类文明历史时期从来没有公开传出过,但是在史前一个时期广泛度...     

宗教界人士评说“法轮功”

“法轮幼”是一种邪教,一种魔道全国政协副主席、中国佛教协会会长赵朴初1999年8月1日生病住院的全国政协副主席、中国佛教协会会长赵朴初对中央果断处量“法轮功”问题感到1分高兴,他在医院表达7对“法轮功”问题的看法。赵朴初说,我坚决拥护中共中央关于处理“法轮功”非法组织的决定。这个决定是十分必要,非常及时,完全正确的。这是一件大快人心的大好事,它为人民消除除了一个大祸害,为国家清除了一个大隐患,为社会割掉了一个大毒瘤,为科学扫除了一个人障碍,也为佛教清除了一个最大最毒的附佛外道。赵朴老说,对“法轮功”问题…     

关于“法轮功”剽窃、篡改佛教名词术语问题答疑

问：法轮功标榜自己是最高佛法,故又名“法轮大法”、“法轮佛法”,那么它与佛教是什么关系？答：没有什么关系。因为无论是在思想理论上还是外在的形式上,法轮功与佛教都没有什么共同之处,李洪志本人也与佛教没有任何关系。从佛教界来说,法轮功是一种附佛外道和邪教,根本就不是佛法,所谓“最高佛法”也就无从谈起！问：李洪志在其《转法轮》等书中运用了许多我们熟悉的佛教名词概念,那又该怎样理解？答：李洪志不信佛教也不懂佛教,只是剽窃了佛教的一些名词,想利用佛教的影响去蒙骗那些同样不懂佛教的人民群众。问：听您这么说,…     

福建省宗教工作队伍和宗教界人士是一支反“法轮功”邪教组织的生力军

众所周知,“法轮功”不是宗教,但它却利用了宗教的名义,其中“法轮”是佛教的术语,“功”是道教术语,而“世界末日”论则源于传统基督教的说法。李洪志利用人民群众不了解这些术语的真正含义,拼凑了“法轮大法”歪理邪说,使很多群众上当受骗。应该说明的是,我国宗教工作部门和宗教界对李洪志及其“法轮功”的邪教本质早有警觉,早在1996年就通过各种形式对李洪志及其“法轮功”组织的歪理邪说提出了批判,已故的赵朴初先生和中国佛教协会机关刊物《法音》,最先点名批判“法轮功”及其教主李洪志,并斥之为“附佛外道”。国家宗教局局长叶小文同志在中央电视台的“焦点访谈”节目中,也明确提出了“法轮功”是邪教组织的精辟见解。     

深入揭批“法轮功”保护宗教信仰自由

1月30日晚上，中央电视台《焦点访谈》节目，真实地再现了“法轮功”痴迷者在李洪志的蛊惑、唆使下，引火自焚、自戕生命的惨剧。该节目所有的镜头、声音都是现场拍录的，而且据说自焚现场的近镜片段出自西方记者之手，可谓是铁证如山。不管李洪志之流如何狡辩抵赖，都掩饰不了暴露于光天化日之下的“法轮功”邪教面目。1．23天安门自焚事件进一步暴露了“法轮     

“法轮功”剽窃、篡改的佛教名词术语释疑──陈星桥先生答本刊记者问

按：随着国家将“法轮功定性为非法组织并依法予以职缔,国内各界人士对李洪志歪理邪说不得展开了深入的揭露批判。而李洪志在其歪理邪说中剽窃了许多佛教的专有名词不达意术语,如法轮、法身、业力等等,不仅迷或,蒙骗了大量的”法轮功“练习者,而且也造成一些人把佛教的教理教义与”法轮功“的歪理邪说不得混为一谈。部分读者经我们来信,就李洪志歪理邪恶说中涉及的佛教名词术语提出质疑,要求予以部析洽清,为此我们《佛教”气功“与法轮功”》一书的作者、中国佛教协会的陈星桥先生,就“法轮功”剽窃、篡改佛教名词不达意术语。回答…     

邪教『法轮功』痴迷者,迷的是神

邪教“法轮功“痴迷者,被李洪志的“法轮“套住,为李洪志及其邪教“法轮功“反社会、反人类、反科学的罪恶活动效力,而执迷不悟,其根本原因,就是他(她)们痴迷李洪志是主宰宇宙之“主神“.将李洪志“神“的伪装剥去,昭示于众,让“法轮功“痴迷者看清李洪志的丑恶嘴脸及其邪教“法轮功“的罪恶行径,方可使其幡然醒悟,迷途知返.……     

"Psychotherapy" versus "treatment"

Presents a comment on "Psychological treatments" by D. H. Barlow. Barlow proposed that we distinguish between the terms "treatment" and "psychotherapy." The author believes that not only is the distinction unnecessary, but that its implications could have negative consequences for the field of clinical psychology. It is the proposed distinguishing feature that treatments are "specifically tailored to the pathological process that is causing the impairment and distress" that is most problematic. Clinical psychology does not need a distinction that further exacerbates the split between researchers and practitioners.     

"Enmeshment" and "Fusion"

The paper examines two related concepts utilized by two different schools of family therapy. Any family seen to be "enmeshed" is also seen as "fused," and vice versa. The difference in the level of focus, on the "system containing the individuals" (structural) or the "individual in the system" (fusion), determines the difference in therapeutic approach of these two schools.     

"本体论"与"伦理学"--形而上学的两个向度

形而上学有两个密切相关的内在向度,就是本体论向度与伦理学向度.在哲学史上,哲学家们之所以在"追求形而上学"的同时,又总是"反形而上学",并非是人们的形上本性出了问题,而是因为人们总是将形而上学视为单纯的"一维性",总是用一个向度来取代或遮蔽另一个向度.而所谓的"后形而上学思想",也并不是消解了形而上学,而是指形而上学从"本体论向度"转向了"伦理学向度".     

“对的”与“好的”

什么是“对的”,和对它的证立,是道德哲学中具有争议性的核心问题,也是效用主义和道义论间的主要差异之所在。统合效用主义对于“好的就是对的”这个陈述有一套完整周延的说法。而道义论对这个问题的证立不够周延或没有足够的说服力。     

从"管制"到"平衡"--政府与公众理想关系模式的构建及其制度化

论文从行政民主的角度探讨政府与公众之间的理想关系模式及其制度化构建过程 ,将我国在改革之前的政府与公众模式概括为管制模式。论文指出 ,在制度变迁的过程中 ,这一模式日益受到挑战。而在新的制度环境下 ,我国政府与公众的关系模式应该是平衡模式。这一模式的制度化措施包括培育自主的市民社会 ,赋予公众以独立的活动空间 ;促进行政公开 ,建立一个开放负责的政府 ;推进行政法建设 ,抑制行政恣意     

PREFERRING "HOUSEWIVES" TO "FEMINISTS"

Four studies are described outlining the favorability of attitudes toward women. In Study 1, participants indicated their attitudes toward women and men and their construal of the term "women". The results revealed that women were evaluated more favorably than men, but that male right-wing authoritarians (RWAs) who construed women as referring primarily to feminists were least favorable in their attitudes. In Study 2, participants indicated their attitudes toward both "housewives" and "feminists". The results revealed that feminists were evaluated less favorably than housewives, and that the most negative attitudes toward feminists were expressed by authoritarian men. Study 3 revealed that high-RWA males held more negative symbolic beliefs concerning feminists (i.e., beliefs that feminists failed to promote participants'values) and that these beliefs accounted for variation in attitudes among high RWAs and much of the RWA-attitude relation. Finally, Study 4 revealed that high RWAs perceived greater value dissimilarity between them-selves and feminists. The implications of the findings for future research are discussed.     

"石狮"、"风水"与"吉祥"

谁都知道,在古老的中国,不管是衙门、宫殿、庙宇的门前,还是豪宅、大户人家的门口,人们都能看到摆着一对石狮。据说,这对石狮子在许多中国人的心目中,它不但是一种气派的象征,而且还是一种被人认为是好的“吉祥物”。如今,旧时的衙门没有了,但遗留下来的宫殿、庙宇的门前,其中有些石狮仍有保存。然而,想像不到的是,这号称“吉祥物”的石狮今天却开始“走”进某些党政机关的大门口,它们(石狮)在那里时时都在保护着这些政府要员“平平安安”、“吉祥如意”。这不仅使我联想起一些极端的报道,有些政府官员为升迁,请算命先生定位,用风水术为政府…     

"Us" and "Them":

Abstract: In the Aristotelian tradition, politics is a matter of public deliberation over questions of justice and injustice. The Bush administration's response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, has been uniformly hostile to this notion, and it has instead promoted a jingoistic politics of self‐assertion by an America largely identified with the executive branch of its government. This is doubly disturbing, as the executive branch has sought to free itself from international law, multinational commitments, and domestic judicial regulation, even as it has sought to validate itself by demonizing its enemies. This essay draws out the disturbing echoes here of Carl Schmitt's work of the 1920s, in particular of Schmitt's conception of the sovereign as the ungrounded ground of the law and the political as the site of mortal conflict between friend and enemy. The essay argues that Schmitt's position in the twenties, for all of its evident problems, is superior to that of Bush, Wolfowitz, and Ashcroft in at least two senses: Schmitt condemns the idea of waging war for profit and recognizes that such wars will often be disguised as moral crusades waged against the “inhuman”; and he acknowledges that claiming to fight a war for humanity denies one's enemies their humanity, leaving them open to torture and even extermination.