论唐代宗派佛教的有情无情之争

该文分析了唐代佛教有关“有情有性”与“无情有性”争论中的各家观点,认为：“从天台智的“性具善恶”说到六祖惠能的“无情无佛种”,再到荆溪湛然的“无情有性”说,更到禅宗“南方宗旨”的“见闻觉知”,最后到临济义玄的“向逆顺中觅人”,是一个否定之否定的辩证发展过程。“无情有性”说为禅宗人文精神的发扬提供了机会,而禅宗洪州、临济等派系通过对“无情有性”说的批判,酝酿着一种新的人文精神     

“宜春禅宗祖庭巡礼”系列之四 东土鹫峰 临济祖庭 记宜丰黄檗禅寺

正黄檗禅寺坐落于黄檗山上,是唐宋盛极一时的著名禅宗道场,也是中国佛教禅宗五家之一临济宗的祖庭,至今已经有1200多年历史。一坐落于江西省宜春市宜丰县西北部黄岗乡黄檗村境内的黄檗山,原称"鹫峰"——相传早年有西域僧人云游至此,见山形如天竺鹫峰,故以此命名。黄檗山山高林密,层峦叠嶂,飞瀑鸣泉,极称幽静。黄檗禅寺坐落于黄檗山上,是唐宋盛极一时的著名禅宗道场,也是中国佛教禅宗五家之一临济宗的祖庭,至今已经有1200多年历史。相传黄檗禅寺原名"鹫峰寺",唐开成年间,希运禅师在百丈怀海禅师座下承嗣洪州宗风后,遵师嘱外出弘法,行及鹫峰寺,驻锡于     

临济的禅学思想

中国佛教各宗派中,禅宗是影响最为深远的一派。由慧能开创的南宗禅后来又分化为五家七宗,五家即沩仰宗、临济宗、云门宗、曹洞宗、法眼宗,临济宗后来又化为黄龙派和杨岐派。其中,以临济宗影响最大,临济派和曹洞宗后来又传到日本,并在日本扎下了根。本文试图就临济宗祖师临济义玄的禅学思想作一初步探讨。一、无依道人临济认为,出家学佛法的人为要求得解脱,生死不染,去住自由,必须对佛法有真正     

临济义玄禅学思想述评

禅宗五家中,以临济宗最具中国禅的特色,而开创临济这一系的,是义玄禅师。铃木大拙在《禅与西方思想》中称他是"中国禅宗思想史上第一位禅师"。     

临济禅师塔修复落成

本刊讯座落在河北正定县的临济禅师塔,近年来经过精心修复,再现昔日巍然屹立的雄姿。五月十九日,以松山万密为名誉团长,盐泽大定为总团长,有马赖底为秘书长的日中友好临黄协会访华团一行一百人同中国佛教徒一起,云集塔前,隆重举行庆祝祖塔修复落成剪彩仪式和诵经法会.临济宗是我国佛教禅宗五家之一,由唐代义玄禅师创立。此宗至宋分为黄龙、杨歧二派。日本荣西禅师入宋求法,将临济宗黄龙派禅法传入日本。其后俊芿禅师入宋,传临济杨歧派禅法于日本.清初临济宗隐元禅师赴日建宇治万福寺,立黄檗     

荐福弘辩的洪州禅思想

京兆荐福弘辩师承章敬怀晖禅,是洪州宗第二代京禅的代表人物。他与唐宣宗的问答录集中反映了他的洪州禅思想及其特点。他对禅宗的佛心论进行了新的阐释,提出智慧觉照为佛心,心者佛之别号,皇帝日应万机亦是佛心。主张顿悟需假渐修,如人吃饭,不一口便饱。认为外教诸宗持经、念佛、持咒都是如来最上一乘,禅宗祖师契会心印,亦是佛之一化,实无一法与人。弘辩受长安政治文化的影响,既继承了洪州禅的思想,也发展了洪州宗京禅的思想特点和风格。弘辩在会昌法难之后,诏对称旨,既提高了自己的地位,也为洪州宗在京城乃至禅宗在全国的复兴做出了重要贡献,他的禅学思想更影响到后世。     

辑录禅宗《八家语录》随感

近代人生佛教的倡导者太虚大师曾说过:"中国佛教特质在禅。"事实确是如此,中国佛教绵延至今,法脉传承清晰不辍的只有禅宗。在禅宗五家七宗中,沩仰、云门、法眼三宗至唐末五代就渐渐湮没无闻,只有临济宗和曹洞宗传承了下来,也因此佛教中有"临天下,曹一角"之谓。临济而后,至北宋有黄龙慧南和杨岐方会,形成禅宗史上的黄龙派、杨岐派,禅宗的"五家七派"     

澳门佛教一瞥

澳门佛教的主要宗派是禅宗和净土宗,禅宗中又分为临济宗和曹洞宗两家。在中国佛教史上历来有“临天下,曹一角”的说法,指的是临济宗流播范围很广,遍布天下,曹洞宗虽没有临济宗传播的那么广,但在一些地方也颇为兴盛,传承不绝。澳门三大古刹之一的普济禅院,就是至今...     

元初禅僧子聪刘秉忠的历史贡献

宋代,包括辽金与南宋南北分立时期,全国盛行佛教。在佛教诸宗中以禅宗最有影响,但比较而言,禅宗在南方比北方更加盛行,禅宗中的临济宗也是如此。北宋时期,临济宗从汾阳善昭——石霜楚圆的法系形成两大禅系;一是黄龙慧南的黄龙派;另一支是杨岐方会的杨岐派。前者曾盛极一时,然而进入南宋后逐渐衰微,而杨岐派后来居上,发展为临济宗内的主流禅派。在宋末元初活跃于大江南北的临济宗禅僧,在社会上最有影     

沩仰宗的禅学思想

禅宗五家中,虽然沩仰宗和临济宗都是从体用一如的角度说明心性本体的理事圆融不二,但临济宗倾向于由体用一如而"即体显用"和"即用显体",沩仰宗注重由体用一如而"摄用归体"。体现在禅风的差别上,临济宗更倾向于陡彻的机锋棒喝和峻烈的机用,而沩仰宗讲究"机用圆融,方圆默契",宗风看似更为平衍,其实是蕴涵深机密用,是非常深邃和奥秘的。     

"Psychotherapy" versus "treatment"

Presents a comment on "Psychological treatments" by D. H. Barlow. Barlow proposed that we distinguish between the terms "treatment" and "psychotherapy." The author believes that not only is the distinction unnecessary, but that its implications could have negative consequences for the field of clinical psychology. It is the proposed distinguishing feature that treatments are "specifically tailored to the pathological process that is causing the impairment and distress" that is most problematic. Clinical psychology does not need a distinction that further exacerbates the split between researchers and practitioners.     

"Enmeshment" and "Fusion"

The paper examines two related concepts utilized by two different schools of family therapy. Any family seen to be "enmeshed" is also seen as "fused," and vice versa. The difference in the level of focus, on the "system containing the individuals" (structural) or the "individual in the system" (fusion), determines the difference in therapeutic approach of these two schools.     

"本体论"与"伦理学"--形而上学的两个向度

形而上学有两个密切相关的内在向度,就是本体论向度与伦理学向度.在哲学史上,哲学家们之所以在"追求形而上学"的同时,又总是"反形而上学",并非是人们的形上本性出了问题,而是因为人们总是将形而上学视为单纯的"一维性",总是用一个向度来取代或遮蔽另一个向度.而所谓的"后形而上学思想",也并不是消解了形而上学,而是指形而上学从"本体论向度"转向了"伦理学向度".     

“对的”与“好的”

什么是“对的”,和对它的证立,是道德哲学中具有争议性的核心问题,也是效用主义和道义论间的主要差异之所在。统合效用主义对于“好的就是对的”这个陈述有一套完整周延的说法。而道义论对这个问题的证立不够周延或没有足够的说服力。     

从"管制"到"平衡"--政府与公众理想关系模式的构建及其制度化

论文从行政民主的角度探讨政府与公众之间的理想关系模式及其制度化构建过程 ,将我国在改革之前的政府与公众模式概括为管制模式。论文指出 ,在制度变迁的过程中 ,这一模式日益受到挑战。而在新的制度环境下 ,我国政府与公众的关系模式应该是平衡模式。这一模式的制度化措施包括培育自主的市民社会 ,赋予公众以独立的活动空间 ;促进行政公开 ,建立一个开放负责的政府 ;推进行政法建设 ,抑制行政恣意     

PREFERRING "HOUSEWIVES" TO "FEMINISTS"

Four studies are described outlining the favorability of attitudes toward women. In Study 1, participants indicated their attitudes toward women and men and their construal of the term "women". The results revealed that women were evaluated more favorably than men, but that male right-wing authoritarians (RWAs) who construed women as referring primarily to feminists were least favorable in their attitudes. In Study 2, participants indicated their attitudes toward both "housewives" and "feminists". The results revealed that feminists were evaluated less favorably than housewives, and that the most negative attitudes toward feminists were expressed by authoritarian men. Study 3 revealed that high-RWA males held more negative symbolic beliefs concerning feminists (i.e., beliefs that feminists failed to promote participants'values) and that these beliefs accounted for variation in attitudes among high RWAs and much of the RWA-attitude relation. Finally, Study 4 revealed that high RWAs perceived greater value dissimilarity between them-selves and feminists. The implications of the findings for future research are discussed.     

"石狮"、"风水"与"吉祥"

谁都知道,在古老的中国,不管是衙门、宫殿、庙宇的门前,还是豪宅、大户人家的门口,人们都能看到摆着一对石狮。据说,这对石狮子在许多中国人的心目中,它不但是一种气派的象征,而且还是一种被人认为是好的“吉祥物”。如今,旧时的衙门没有了,但遗留下来的宫殿、庙宇的门前,其中有些石狮仍有保存。然而,想像不到的是,这号称“吉祥物”的石狮今天却开始“走”进某些党政机关的大门口,它们(石狮)在那里时时都在保护着这些政府要员“平平安安”、“吉祥如意”。这不仅使我联想起一些极端的报道,有些政府官员为升迁,请算命先生定位,用风水术为政府…     

"Us" and "Them":

Abstract: In the Aristotelian tradition, politics is a matter of public deliberation over questions of justice and injustice. The Bush administration's response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, has been uniformly hostile to this notion, and it has instead promoted a jingoistic politics of self‐assertion by an America largely identified with the executive branch of its government. This is doubly disturbing, as the executive branch has sought to free itself from international law, multinational commitments, and domestic judicial regulation, even as it has sought to validate itself by demonizing its enemies. This essay draws out the disturbing echoes here of Carl Schmitt's work of the 1920s, in particular of Schmitt's conception of the sovereign as the ungrounded ground of the law and the political as the site of mortal conflict between friend and enemy. The essay argues that Schmitt's position in the twenties, for all of its evident problems, is superior to that of Bush, Wolfowitz, and Ashcroft in at least two senses: Schmitt condemns the idea of waging war for profit and recognizes that such wars will often be disguised as moral crusades waged against the “inhuman”; and he acknowledges that claiming to fight a war for humanity denies one's enemies their humanity, leaving them open to torture and even extermination.