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Christopher Ryan Maboloc 《Philosophia》2016,44(1):143-154
This paper intends to closely examine Michel Foucault’s take on power, resistance, and critical thought in the modern state, using the market-driven consumer economy and the paranoia-induced post-9/11 national security rhetoric as background. It will argue that on both domains, knowledge as similitude comes to be represented as part of the repressive configuration in the order of things. In retracing the technology of discipline where the individual unknowingly participates in his latent subjugation, the author thinks that critical thought—one that diverts power away from the center to the peripheries is the only effective way of resistance against forms of social control and domination. 相似文献
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10 世纪以后,穆斯林世界思想趋于僵化,教派分化现象明显,政治上四分五裂。伊本·泰米叶在总结历史基础上,提出重开“创制大门”,鼓励独立判断;坚持维护伊斯兰原旨教义;承认政治现实,提出新的政治学说。由于触犯各方利益,他受到打击迫害,其思想未能传播开来,但在后来产生了广泛影响。伊本·泰米叶是中世纪穆斯林世界少有的改革思想家。 相似文献
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Continental Philosophy Review - The Habermas–Foucault debate, despite the excellent commentary it has generated, has the standing of an ‘unfinished project’ precisely because it... 相似文献
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Nathan Eubank 《International Journal of Systematic Theology》2020,22(1):7-17
One of the main findings of John Barclay’s Paul and the Gift is that divine grace was everywhere in ancient Judaism, but not everywhere the same. Though Barclay does not emphasize this point, something similar could be said about the worthiness or merit of the recipients of grace. Human worthiness is everywhere in Judaism and Christianity, but not everywhere the same. This article situates Barclay’s account of human worthiness relative to other possible configurations. According to Barclay’s Paul, the Christ‐gift is given without regard for the worth of the recipients, but this same gift remakes those to whom it is given, enabling them to become worthy of God. This account of human response places Barclay in surprisingly close proximity with non‐Protestant Augustinian streams of interpretation. 相似文献
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JOHANNA OKSALA 《希帕蒂亚:女权主义哲学杂志》2011,26(1):207-223
This paper explicates Foucault's conception of experience and defends it as an important theoretical resource for feminist theory. It analyzes Linda Alcoff's devastating critique of Foucault's account of sexuality and her reasons for advocating phenomenology as a more viable alternative. I agree with her that a philosophically sophisticated understanding of experience must remain central for feminist theory, but I demonstrate that her critique of Foucault is based on a mistaken view of his philosophical position as well as on a problematic understanding of phenomenology. 相似文献
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Carolyn Ells 《The Journal of medical humanities》2003,24(3-4):213-228
The purpose of this paper is to show that the standard notion of informed choice is unacceptable and must be replaced. To do so, I examine Foucault's analysis of people in contemporary society, drawing attention to the ways power relations act upon us, and to the possibility of resistance. I show how feminist moral theory can be enriched by Foucault's analysis. Applying this new understanding of people and moral theory to an analysis of informed choice, I claim that the standard notion of informed choice is unacceptable, in part because it relies on a false conception of people. Its “necessary” features—intention, understanding, and absence of controlling influences—are much more difficult, if not impossible, to obtain than proponents of the standard notion believe. I end by offering direction for creating a new, Foucault-inspired, feminist theory of informed choice. 相似文献
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Amy Allen 《International Journal of Philosophical Studies》2013,21(2):131-149
The author argues for bringing the work of Michel Foucault and Hannah Arendt into dialogue with respect to the links between power, subjectivity, and agency.Although one might assume that Foucault and Arendt come from such radically different philosophical starting points that such a dialogue would be impossible, the author argues that there is actually a good deal of common ground to be found between these two thinkers. Moreover, the author suggests that Foucault's and Arendt's divergent views about the role that power plays in the constitution of subjectivity and agency should be seen as complementary rather than opposed. 相似文献
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CHLOË TAYLOR 《希帕蒂亚:女权主义哲学杂志》2009,24(4):1-25
In 1977 Michel Foucault contemplated the idea of punishing rape only as a crime of violence, while in 1978 he argued that non‐coercive sex between adults and minors should be decriminalized entirely. Feminists have consistently criticized these suggestions by Foucault. This paper argues that these feminist responses have failed to sufficiently understand the theoretical motivations behind Foucault's statements on sex‐crime legislation reform, and will offer a new feminist appraisal of Foucault's suggestions. 相似文献
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This paper offers a detailed account of Foucaults ethical and political notion of individuality as presented in his late work, and discusses its relationship to the feminist project of the theory of sexual difference. I argue that Foucaults elaboration of the classical ethos of care for the self opens the way for regarding the I-woman as an ethical, political and aesthetic self-creation. However, it has significant limitations that cannot be ignored. I elaborate on two aspects of Foucaults avoidance of sexual difference as a relevant category for an account of political and ethical individuality, which thus implicitly associates individual agency with men. I argue that Foucault implicitly assumes the existence of an ontological desire to become engaged in political self-creation. However, the ethical position of self-knowledge and desire should be understood as a contingent option that depends on material and historical conditions for its realization. Hence, I argue that a feminist reworking of Foucaults notion of political individuality should add a substantial ethical condition to the imperative of self-knowledge and self-creation – making possible the desiring woman subject. 相似文献
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Jerold J. Abrams 《Human Studies》2004,27(3):241-258
Michel Foucault's early works criticize the development of modern democratic institutions as creating a surveillance society, which functions to control bodies by making them feel watched and monitored full time. His later works attempt to recover private space by exploring subversive techniques of the body and language. Following Foucault, pragmatists like Richard Shusterman and Richard Rorty have also developed very rich approaches to this project, extending it deeper into the literary and somatic dimensions of self-stylizing. Yet, for a debate centered on the re-creation of the vision of the self, these discussions have yet to fully engage—even while they set the conditions for this engagement with—issues of posthuman technologies, such as AI, robotics, and genetic engineering. These certainly will constitute the primary engine of public institutional surveillance in the years to come. With this surveillance, the two spheres of private self-fashioning and public institutions will continue to evolve in relation to one another. As they do so, democratic society will change considerably. Perhaps Rorty's own normative and linguistic ideal of conversational maintenance may provide something of a democratic limit case on any future posthuman self-fashioning. 相似文献
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Critical thinking, considered as a version of informallogic, must consider emotions and personal attitudesin assessing assertions and conclusions in anyanalysis of discourse. It must therefore presupposesome notion of the self. Critical theory may be seenas providing a substantive and non-neutral positionfor the exercise of critical thinking. It thereforemust presuppose some notion of the self. This paperargues for a Foucauldean position on the self toextend critical theory and provide a particularposition on the self for critical thinking. Thisposition on the self is developed from moretraditional accounts of the self from Descartes toSchopenhauer, Nietzsche and Wittgenstein. 相似文献
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Continental Philosophy Review - 相似文献