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俄罗斯哲学与东正教   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
张百春 《哲学动态》2006,(11):44-47
东正教于公元988年从拜占庭帝国传入俄罗斯。狭义的、具有独创性的俄罗斯哲学传统形成于19世纪初。从东正教传入到俄罗斯哲学的产生,相隔了八百多年,这段时期被弗洛罗夫斯基神父称为“俄罗斯式的沉默”,“俄罗斯思想的姗姗来迟的觉醒”。[1]但他认为,这个长期的沉默只发生在哲学上。在其他领域,如绘画、建筑、文学等,俄罗斯思想都获得了具体的表达。确实,直到19世纪之前,在俄语中甚至没有形成一套哲学的专业术语。如果说有零星的哲学思想,它们也只是表达在与宗教相关的语境中。尽管如此,以东正教为核心的俄罗斯民族自身的精神传统毕竟是俄罗…  相似文献   

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俄罗斯东正教的特点   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
乐峰 《世界宗教研究》2004,1(3):103-113
东正教从拜占廷帝国传入俄罗斯后,迄今已有一千余年的历史,在其传播和发展过程中,适应俄罗斯的国情,形成了自己的鲜明特点,这些新特点表现为俄东正教与多神教的混合;俄东正教重视对圣徒、干尸和圣像的崇拜;俄东正教的排他性和不宽容;俄东正教的依附性;俄东正教的传教术等。  相似文献   

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The experimenters explored how religious fundamentalism related with religious orientation, irrational thinking, and immature defense mechanisms. They also explored the possible moderational role of the Big 5 personality factors. The participants were predominantly Greek Orthodox College students from a Cypriot University. The experimenters employed a cross-sectional design and required participants to complete a series of self-report measures. Religious fundamentalism significantly predicted irrational thinking. Intrinsic and personal extrinsic religious orientations significantly predicted religious fundamentalism. The results provide support for the idea that the more dogmatically one holds their religious beliefs, the more likely they are to think irrationally.  相似文献   

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In the midst of the raging socio-economic crisis that has hit Greece since 2009 the Greek Orthodox Church, under Archbishop Ieronymos II, has admirably developed its network of philanthropic work and charity meals. Open to both Greeks and immigrants, this project seems to realise Eastern Orthodox Christianity's sense of caritas and civic duty. Low key and efficient, the Orthodox Church's response to the crisis has left behind the nationalistic cries and pietistic/didactic excesses of the recent past. This article asserts, however, that, by failing to grapple with the structural causes of the crisis in a politically relevant manner and by refusing to castigate specific policies and politicians at the national and European Union level, the Greek Orthodox Church has offered a much needed palliative, but in the end has remained discursively distant from theological and political criticism of a rapacious neoliberal system and from effective engagement with Greek modernity.  相似文献   

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Conflicts over religious symbols in the public sphere, gay marriage, abortion or gender equality have shown their disruptive potential across many societies in the world. They have also become the subject of political and legal debates in international institutions. These conflicts emerge out of different worldviews and normative conceptions of the good, and they are frequently framed in terms of competing interpretations of human rights. One newcomer voice in conflicts over rights and values in the international sphere is the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC), which in recent years has become an active promoter of ‘traditional values’ both inside Russia and internationally. This article studies the ideational prerequisites and dynamics of Russian Orthodox ‘norm protagonism’ in the international arena.  相似文献   

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This article examines the history and current state of the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC) in China. It analyses both the declared and actual approach of the Chinese authorities towards Orthodox believers in China, as well as the attitude taken towards that approach by the authorities in Russia, where the ‘Orthodox factor’ plays an increasingly prominent role in domestic and foreign policy. The author shows that Russia’s most senior political leaders assist the ROC to strengthen the status of the Chinese Autonomous Orthodox Church (CAOC) and create better conditions for Chinese Orthodox believers. That effort has elevated the ‘Orthodox question’ to become an important issue of bilateral relations. As a result, and despite a lack of enthusiasm from the Chinese side, conditions could be created in the coming years for the normal functioning of the CAOC. At the same time, the Chinese Government is likely to consider it not as an autonomous part of the ROC (as the Orthodox canon considers it) but as one of the ‘patriotic religious organisations’ registered first at the provincial, and possibly later at the national level.  相似文献   

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This article explores the principles of volunteer mobilisation in social ministry and diaconal practices in contemporary Russian Orthodoxy. I focus on the main types of faith-based volunteer associations, assistance organisations and official Orthodox centres of social ministry that recruit volunteers. While analysing the mechanisms of attracting volunteers and the types of motivations, I identified two main models of organising communities and social groups: an authoritarian-mystical model and a socially open one. Ethical-behavioural preferences and attitudes determine the motivation of volunteers, as do gender, confessional and ideological-political factors. The analysis is based on both empirical data obtained through interviews with parish priests, organisers of church-based assistance organisations and volunteer associations, and homiletic theological and moral-didactic literature produced within Russian Orthodox Church circles and in official Church documents. I also consider the motivation of volunteers and their ethical-behavioural attitudes in the Russian Orthodox theological context. The article also analyses theological approaches in Russian Orthodoxy, inspired by modern developments in psychology, including self-determination theory and psychological autonomy, as well as ‘humanitarian-anthropological theology’.  相似文献   

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Abstract

This article analyses the ideological and institutional context of the document The Russian Orthodox Church's Basic Teaching on Human Dignity, Freedom and Rights (Osnovy ucheniya Russkoi Pravoslavnoi Tserkvi o dostoinstve, svobode i pravakh cheloveka), issued by the Bishops' Council of the Moscow Patriarchate in 2008, with the particular aim of shedding light on its nature as an instrument of the external relations and foreign politics of the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC). Through a documentation of the milestones in the Russian Orthodox human rights discourse and through a semantic analysis of the key terms used, the article shows how the ROC's rhetorical self-positioning vis-à-vis the liberal human rights regime changes over time and shifts from an outright opposition to a more conciliatory attitude. The article is based on internet sources, in particular various websites related to Russian Orthodox institutions, as well as observations and interview material.  相似文献   

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