那方绿地非天赐——记中国道教协会“生态林”考察团在民勤

甘肃省民勤县位于甘肃省西北部。东西北三面被腾格里和巴丹吉林两大沙漠包围,是全国乃至全世界最干旱、荒漠化危害最严重的地区之一,历来是我国防沙治沙工作的重点县。中央领导和各级政府高度重视和关注民勤县的防治沙害工作,温家宝总理曾先后八次就该地区的治沙工作作出重要批     

陕西省道教界为中国道教生态林积极捐款

道教界在甘肃省民勤县建立中国道教生态林,到了海内外道教界人士的大力支持,目前生态林程建设已初具规模,产生了一定的生态和社会效,取得了可喜的成绩。道教界除前期筹集到位的资外,目前尚需建设资金115万元。陕西省道教界在中国道协的倡议和任法融会长带领下,周至楼观台、西安     

功在当代 惠泽千秋——“中国道教生态林建设基地”正式启动

道教主张天人一体、和谐共生,崇尚道法自然,历来注重保护环境。当代道教界更明确将“保护好名山宫观、植树造林”作为道教徒的一项重要职责。当前,生态环境问题正日益受到人们的普遍重视。在祖国的西北地区,由于干旱和风沙侵袭,生态形势十分严峻。2003年3月中旬,甘肃省道教协会的领导借参加老子诞辰纪念会的机会,向中国道教协会领导汇报说,甘肃民勤县道教协会积极参与当地的防沙治沙工作,主动承包了1500亩荒地的植树造林任务。经过数年奋斗,目前已治理沙地200余亩。但由于缺少人力、物力和财力,治沙进度十分缓慢。而当地的风沙侵袭速度则越…     

民勤县道教工作走向正轨

甘肃省民勤县道教协会自1996年成立以来,在县统战、宗教部门的大力支持和帮助下,县道协针对全县散居正一派道士居住分散,无固定活动场所及管理工作起步晚等问题开动脑筋,想方设法,认真抓了依法管理和生产自养工作,取得了一定成效,其主要做法是:　　一、对全县道教活动进行...     

中国道协领导及部分省、市道教界代表赴甘肃参加“中国道教生态林建设基地”揭碑、捐款仪式

为了继承和弘扬道教保护环境、济世利人的优良传统,为西部大开发和绿化祖国作出积极的贡献,中国道教协会于2003年3月19日向全国道教界发出倡议,号召各地有条件的道协、宫观和个人,自愿捐款,在治沙防沙的重点地区—甘肃民勤县建立“中国道教生态林建设基地”。这一倡议迅速得到了各地道教界的积极响应。不到一个月的时间,各地捐款额已有30多万元。4月20日下午,中国道教协会副会长黄信阳、秘书长袁炳栋、副秘书长袁志鸿、江西省道教协会副会长叶至明、青海省道教协会副会长喇宗静、江苏省道教协会副秘书长郑志平以及北京白云观的代表等抵达兰…     

海内外道教组织和个人捐资甘肃民勤县"中国道教生态林建设基地"

道教崇尚自然,主张天人合一、和谐共生,历来注重环境保护。当前生态环境受到各种因素的破坏,给人们的生活带来诸多不利影响。保护和改善生态环境已作为我国的一项基本国策。近年来,全国各地道教界人士在植树造林、保护环境方面作出了突出贡献。甘肃地处我国西北,植树造林、治理荒漠的任务非常艰巨。我会了解到民勤县是我国最干旱、荒漠化危害最严重的地区之一,且在地理和环境梯度上,处于我国荒漠化监测和防治的最前沿地带,历来是我国防沙的重点县,但防沙资金短缺。为了继承和弘扬道教保护环境、济世利人的优良传统,为西部大开发和全面建设小…     

中国道教生态林基地圆满完成春季压沙造林任务

自2003年4月“中国道教民勤生态林建设基地”在民勤县奠基以来,截止2006年底,基地办共收到中国道教协会的十批捐资263万元。在短短的四年时间中,基地办公室已完成配备营建生态林所需的灌溉用机井、高低压线路、道路、管理用房等配套设施的工作,压沙造林800多亩,栽植各类固沙植物40多万栋。     

施道布德苏武山--中国道教生态林基地一周年建设纪实

甘肃省民勤县位于石羊河流域下游,东西北三面被腾格里和巴丹吉林两大沙漠包围,属半封闭内陆荒漠区。全县占地面积1.6万平方公里,其中94%属于沙漠戈壁和盐碱滩。当地干旱少雨、风沙大,自然条件十分恶劣,是中国北方地区的沙尘暴四大发源地之一。位于县城东南13公里处的汉中郎将苏武牧羊纪念地———苏武庙遗址是有名的道教活动圣地。由于受自然环境影响,目前苏武山失去了昔日山青林绿、水草肥美的风采。近年来,为了治理沙患,保护生态,重塑道教圣地自然和谐的景观,民勤县道教界人士进行了不懈的努力。1996年,县政府将苏武庙周围的1500亩荒漠化…     

中国道教生态林建设基地考察团为甘肃省部分道观捐款

6月20日至26日,以中国道教协会会长任法融道长为团长的中国道教生态林建设基地考察团一行,重点考察了民勤县“中国道教生态林基地”,并捐款50万元人民币用于生态林基地的建设。另外,还分别给兰州志公道院捐资16万元(其中任法融会长个人捐资5万元),兰州白云观0.5万元,武威市雷台     

简讯

千山五龙宫举行神像开光庆典暨监院升座仪式2003年9月6日至7日,辽宁千山五龙宫举行了财神殿诸神像开光庆典暨王高静监院升座仪式。辽宁省道教协会会长,五龙宫方丈王全林首先在开光庆典的仪式上致欢迎词;中国道教协会会长闵智亭致贺词;鞍山市、区的领导也先后发言表示祝贺。省内外有关部门的领导,五大宗教的同仁和诸山的大德,以及广大信教群众万余人参加了盛会。法会期间,还举行了王高静监院升座仪式及冠巾弟子冠巾仪式。(静海子)赞助甘肃省民勤县“中国道教生态林建设基地”资金名单黑龙江省牡丹江市天仙宫壹仟元云南省昆明市东华小区稻香里…     

"Psychotherapy" versus "treatment"

Presents a comment on "Psychological treatments" by D. H. Barlow. Barlow proposed that we distinguish between the terms "treatment" and "psychotherapy." The author believes that not only is the distinction unnecessary, but that its implications could have negative consequences for the field of clinical psychology. It is the proposed distinguishing feature that treatments are "specifically tailored to the pathological process that is causing the impairment and distress" that is most problematic. Clinical psychology does not need a distinction that further exacerbates the split between researchers and practitioners.     

"Enmeshment" and "Fusion"

The paper examines two related concepts utilized by two different schools of family therapy. Any family seen to be "enmeshed" is also seen as "fused," and vice versa. The difference in the level of focus, on the "system containing the individuals" (structural) or the "individual in the system" (fusion), determines the difference in therapeutic approach of these two schools.     

“对的”与“好的”

什么是“对的”,和对它的证立,是道德哲学中具有争议性的核心问题,也是效用主义和道义论间的主要差异之所在。统合效用主义对于“好的就是对的”这个陈述有一套完整周延的说法。而道义论对这个问题的证立不够周延或没有足够的说服力。     

"本体论"与"伦理学"--形而上学的两个向度

形而上学有两个密切相关的内在向度,就是本体论向度与伦理学向度.在哲学史上,哲学家们之所以在"追求形而上学"的同时,又总是"反形而上学",并非是人们的形上本性出了问题,而是因为人们总是将形而上学视为单纯的"一维性",总是用一个向度来取代或遮蔽另一个向度.而所谓的"后形而上学思想",也并不是消解了形而上学,而是指形而上学从"本体论向度"转向了"伦理学向度".     

从"管制"到"平衡"--政府与公众理想关系模式的构建及其制度化

论文从行政民主的角度探讨政府与公众之间的理想关系模式及其制度化构建过程 ,将我国在改革之前的政府与公众模式概括为管制模式。论文指出 ,在制度变迁的过程中 ,这一模式日益受到挑战。而在新的制度环境下 ,我国政府与公众的关系模式应该是平衡模式。这一模式的制度化措施包括培育自主的市民社会 ,赋予公众以独立的活动空间 ;促进行政公开 ,建立一个开放负责的政府 ;推进行政法建设 ,抑制行政恣意     

"石狮"、"风水"与"吉祥"

谁都知道,在古老的中国,不管是衙门、宫殿、庙宇的门前,还是豪宅、大户人家的门口,人们都能看到摆着一对石狮。据说,这对石狮子在许多中国人的心目中,它不但是一种气派的象征,而且还是一种被人认为是好的“吉祥物”。如今,旧时的衙门没有了,但遗留下来的宫殿、庙宇的门前,其中有些石狮仍有保存。然而,想像不到的是,这号称“吉祥物”的石狮今天却开始“走”进某些党政机关的大门口,它们(石狮)在那里时时都在保护着这些政府要员“平平安安”、“吉祥如意”。这不仅使我联想起一些极端的报道,有些政府官员为升迁,请算命先生定位,用风水术为政府…     

PREFERRING "HOUSEWIVES" TO "FEMINISTS"

Four studies are described outlining the favorability of attitudes toward women. In Study 1, participants indicated their attitudes toward women and men and their construal of the term "women". The results revealed that women were evaluated more favorably than men, but that male right-wing authoritarians (RWAs) who construed women as referring primarily to feminists were least favorable in their attitudes. In Study 2, participants indicated their attitudes toward both "housewives" and "feminists". The results revealed that feminists were evaluated less favorably than housewives, and that the most negative attitudes toward feminists were expressed by authoritarian men. Study 3 revealed that high-RWA males held more negative symbolic beliefs concerning feminists (i.e., beliefs that feminists failed to promote participants'values) and that these beliefs accounted for variation in attitudes among high RWAs and much of the RWA-attitude relation. Finally, Study 4 revealed that high RWAs perceived greater value dissimilarity between them-selves and feminists. The implications of the findings for future research are discussed.     

"Us" and "Them":

Abstract: In the Aristotelian tradition, politics is a matter of public deliberation over questions of justice and injustice. The Bush administration's response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, has been uniformly hostile to this notion, and it has instead promoted a jingoistic politics of self‐assertion by an America largely identified with the executive branch of its government. This is doubly disturbing, as the executive branch has sought to free itself from international law, multinational commitments, and domestic judicial regulation, even as it has sought to validate itself by demonizing its enemies. This essay draws out the disturbing echoes here of Carl Schmitt's work of the 1920s, in particular of Schmitt's conception of the sovereign as the ungrounded ground of the law and the political as the site of mortal conflict between friend and enemy. The essay argues that Schmitt's position in the twenties, for all of its evident problems, is superior to that of Bush, Wolfowitz, and Ashcroft in at least two senses: Schmitt condemns the idea of waging war for profit and recognizes that such wars will often be disguised as moral crusades waged against the “inhuman”; and he acknowledges that claiming to fight a war for humanity denies one's enemies their humanity, leaving them open to torture and even extermination.