Effects of objective feedback and "single other" or "average other" social comparison feedback on performance judgments and helping behavior

In two studies, participants received positive or negative feedback about their performance on a verbal task and then provided hints to another person on a subsequent, different task. It was expected that participants would give more helpful hints after positive than after negative feedback but that this would be more apparent when the feedback was based on performance comparisons with the "average participant" than on comparisons with another person or an objective standard. This effect was expected to be mediated by judgments of one's performance on the first task. These predictions were supported. Participants seemed aware of the effect of feedback on their hint choices, and their hint choices did not alter their affect levels. Also, participants receiving comparative (single or aggregated target) feedback exhibited changes in self-ascribed importance of the performance domain. Implications for social comparison theory and self-evaluation maintenance theory are discussed.     

Counterintuitive effects of negative social feedback on attention

Which stimuli we pay attention to is strongly influenced by learning. Stimuli previously associated with reward outcomes, such as money and food, and stimuli previously associated with aversive outcomes, such as monetary loss and electric shock, automatically capture attention. Social reward (happy expressions) can bias attention towards associated stimuli, but the role of negative social feedback in biasing attentional selection remains unexplored. On the one hand, negative social feedback often serves to discourage particular behaviours. If attentional selection can be curbed much like any other behavioural preference, we might expect stimuli associated with negative social feedback to be more readily ignored. On the other hand, if negative social feedback influences attention in the same way that other aversive outcomes do, such feedback might ironically bias attention towards the stimuli it is intended to discourage selection of. In the present study, participants first completed a training phase in which colour targets were associated with negative social feedback. Then, in a subsequent test phase, these same colour stimuli served as task-irrelevant distractors during a visual search task. The results strongly support the latter interpretation in that stimuli previously associated with negative social feedback impaired search performance.     

Two studies examining the negative effect of self-efficacy on performance

Although hundreds of studies have found a positive relationship between self-efficacy and performance, several studies have found a negative relationship when the analysis is done across time (repeated measures) rather than across individuals. W. T. Powers (1991) predicted this negative relationship based on perceptual control theory. Here, 2 studies are presented to (a) confirm the causal role of self-efficacy and (b) substantiate the explanation. In Study 1, self-efficacy was manipulated for 43 of 87 undergraduates on an analytic game. The manipulation was negatively related to performance on the next trial. In Study 2, 104 undergraduates played the analytic game and reported self-efficacy between each game and confidence in the degree to which they had assessed previous feedback. As expected, self-efficacy led to overconfidence and hence increased the likelihood of committing logic errors during the game.     

Restorative effects of awe on negative affect after receiving negative performance feedback

The present study investigated the discrete positive effects of awe on negative job affect (NJA) arising from receiving negative performance feedback from a work supervisor or a co-worker. The participants were 131 business professionals and students at a large university in Kenya (females = 46%; age range 25 to 65 years). They participated in an experiment in which the emotion of awe was manipulated in an imagined situation where the participants received negative performance feedback from either a work supervisor or co-worker. Regression analyses of the data indicated that awe predicted a lower negative affect for negative feedback. Moreover, the indirect effects of the source of feedback on negative affect modulation were more significant for feedback received from co-workers than from supervisors. The positive emotion of awe may help one cope with negative performance feedback in a work setting.     

Effects of coping skills training on generalized self-efficacy and locus of control

A number of studies have shown that mastery experiences strengthen self-efficacy expectancies that are specific to the mastery situation. In this study I assessed the effects of cognitive-behavioral coping skills training on generalized expectancies concerning self-efficacy and locus of control in test-anxious college students. Compared with a waiting-list control group, the trained subjects exhibited significant decreases on trait and state measures of test anxiety and a higher level of academic performance on classroom tests, as well as changes in specific self-efficacy expectancies relating to test-anxiety management and academic performance. Consistent with generalization predictions derived from self-efficacy theory, the coping skills group also exhibited decreases in general trait anxiety and increased scores on a trait measure of generalized self-efficacy. Locus of control was unaffected by the program, and changes in general self-efficacy were unrelated to changes in locus of control, suggesting the possibility that different parameters of experience are related to changes in the two types of generalized expectancies.     

Comorbidity of specific and generalized social anxiety in Spanish adolescents

The comorbidity of the social anxiety disorder, including the specific and generalized subtypes, and other psychopathological problems in adolescents is explored. For this purpose, 961 Spanish young people were evaluated (mean age = 15.63 years) by means of various self-reports that measure sociodemographical variables, competences and clinical indexes. Those with social anxiety were divided into two groups: specific and generalized. The results indicated that the adolescents with social anxiety had a higher percentage of comorbidity in the indexes that refer to anxiety and avoidance in social situations, than did the young people with other psychopathologies. The group of generalized social anxiety had a higher percentage of comorbidity than the specific social anxiety group in the majority of the clinical problems measured by the YSR/11-18 and MMPI-A. Only in eleven of the evaluated clinical indexes was the difference in comorbidity between the two groups of social anxiety significant, and the percentage of comorbidity was lower in the first group.     

On the positive and negative effects of self-efficacy on performance: Reward as a moderator

We address the controversy regarding the sign of the effect of self-efficacy on performance. We propose that when reward is high, self-efficacy has a positive effect on performance, whereas when reward is low, it has a negative effect. This hypothesis was tested in three experiments (with sample sizes of 76, 99, and 111) in which reward and self-efficacy were manipulated and performance was measured using different manipulations and tasks in both within-factor and between-factor designs. The results supported the hypothesis that reward moderates the effect of self-efficacy on performance. When reward was high, the effect of self-efficacy on performance was positive, whereas when reward was low, the effect of self-efficacy on performance was negative.     

Effects of immediacy of feedback on estimations and performance

We investigated the role of anticipation of feedback in performance and estimation about own performance. We submitted 155 participants to a test of verbal aptitude, and we requested them to give estimations of their own performance and the performance of other participants. There were two treatments: immediate feedback and delayed feedback. Participants in the immediate‐feedback group were informed that they would receive feedback on their performance immediately after finishing the test, whereas participants in the delayed‐feedback group were informed that they would receive feedback a week after taking the test. The immediate‐feedback group performed better than the delayed‐feedback group. Furthermore, the former underestimated their own performance. On the other hand, participants on the delayed‐feedback group made unbiased estimations. We present a mathematical model based on construal‐level theory, decision affect theory, temporal discounting, and Moore and Healy's model of overestimation. The model suggests that the source of differences in performance and in estimations of own performance is a construal of the feedback situation that modifies the expected utility of the task.     

Effects of bogus feedback on intelligence test performance

French-Canadian high school students (N = 196) completed different forms of the Wonderlic Personnel Test (WPT; E. F. Wonderlic, 1983) on two occasions. Before the second test, they received negative or positive bogus feedback about their initial performance. Most students (n = 158) were informed that the WPT measured intelligence, and the instruction was issued before either the first (n = 42) or the second test (n = 116). In the latter case, WPT validity either was not mentioned (n = 36) or was described as high or low (ns = 39 and 41, respectively). WPT performance improved on the second test, but it was not related to feedback in any of the instruction conditions. Reasons for these results and their practical implications are discussed.     

Factors in social comparison of performance influencing actual performance

Seven experiments were conducted which measured changes in the subjects' actual performance resulting from manipulated personal and categorical comparison of performance with another subject. In line with Festinger's (1954) theory of social comparison of ability, it was found that subjects who were visually isolated from sources of evaluation (setting 2, experiment 2 and 3) showed relatively low performance after a VI (very inferior) or VS (very superior) outcome and relatively high performance after an EQ (equal) outcome, whereas subjects who were visually exposed to sources of evaluation (setting 1, experiment 1 and 4) showed relatively low performance only after a VS outcome and relatively high performance after both a VI and EQ outcome. When (also in setting 1) the manipulation of outcome was combined with a manipulation of expectation (experiment 5), it was found that an EQ expectation did not alter the original pattern of outcome effects, but that a VI or VS expectation markedly influenced the effect of outcome: A complete confirmation of VI expectation and an almost complete disconfirmation of VS expectation resulted in relatively high performance, whereas all other combinations of VI or VS expectation with a given outcome resulted in relatively low performance. Finally, it was found that changing the manipulation of personal comparison of performance of the previous experiments into a manipulation of categorical comparison of performance of the previous experiments into a manipulation of categorical comparison of performance (experiment 6a and 6b) resulted in a pattern of data wich was about the opposite of the typical previous pattern. In setting 1 (experiment 6a), the subjects' performance was relatively low after being categorized into a VI or EQ category and relatively high after being categorized into a VS category, whereas in setting 2 (experiment 6b) both the VI and VS categorization resulted in the same performance and the EQ categorzation resulted in a slightly lower performance.     

Effects of reward distribution and performance feedback on competitive responding

To implement competitive contingencies, one must select a distribution of unequal rewards and a schedule of feedback for competitors regarding one another's performance. This study investigated three bases for distributing rewards and two performance feedback conditions. Pairs of college students competed over a series of 2-min contests in which the competitive response was a knob pull. A sum of money was divided using a proportional distribution or one of two fixed reward distributions. In the proportional distribution, a subject's proportion of the sum was his or her proportion of the total number of responses. The two fixed distributions were divisions of 100%/0% or 67%/33%. Also, in every contest either subject could make a response that would end the contest prematurely and give both subjects the same amount—a sum equal to 33% of the competitive total. In the two feedback conditions, cumulative responses by each subject were either shown to both subjects during the contest or were not shown. The proportional distribution was clearly superior to either of the fixed distributions in number of responses produced across contests. The proportional distribution with feedback produced the largest number of competitive responses, and the 100%/0% distribution without feedback produced the smallest number. Differences among distributions typically emerged only during later blocks of contests. Fixed distributions of rewards often produced decelerating rates of responding, with losing competitors ending the contests before they were completed. Response-rate decreases were greatest for pairs in which the 2 subjects differed most in their response rates and proportion of wins. The presence of feedback had a small effect, increasing responding for some pairs in the 100%/0% distribution. Performance patterns were interpreted in terms of the consequences arranged for the individual participants by the reward distributions and differences in performance between competitors.     

Seeing ghosts: Negative body evaluation predicts overestimation of negative social feedback

The current study investigated whether negative body evaluation predicts women's overestimation of negative social feedback related to their own body (i.e., covariation bias). Sixty-five female university students completed a computer task where photos of their own body, of a control woman's body, and of a neutral object, were followed by nonverbal social feedback (i.e., facial crowds with equal numbers of negative, positive, and neutral faces). Afterward, women estimated the percentage of negative, positive, and neutral social feedback that followed their own body, the control woman's body, and the neutral object. The findings provided evidence for a covariation bias: negative body evaluation predicted higher estimates of negative social feedback for women's own body, but not for the other stimuli. Additionally, the covariation bias was not explained by differences in how women interpreted the social feedback (the facial stimuli). Clinical implications of the covariation bias to body image are discussed.     

Effects of delayed visual feedback on motor control performance

The effects of delay of visual feedback on two kinds of sensorimotor tasks were investigated. On the reciprocal tapping task, accuracy of performance decreased for 200, 500, and 767 msec. delay. The number of errors for the 1000-msec. delay is smaller than those for the other three conditions of delay. On the hand-writing task of both Kanji letters and English words, performance showed a large decrement with increasing delay. The most frequent kinds of error were the type of insertion of line elements or letter duplication. It was interesting that the size of written letters increased with lengthening delays of visual feedback.     

Effects of auditory feedback on a musical performance task

Two experiments examined the effects of various feedback conditions on performance by 12 Ss on an electronic organ. Playing time scores showed complete absence of auditory feedback to have little or no detrimental effect; in fact, some Ss played fastest under this condition. Delayed auditory feedback (DAF), as expected, caused considerable performance decrement when compared with immediate auditory feedback (IAF). Extraneous prerecorded input as a distractor in the absence of auditory feedback ranked between mixed DAF-with-IAF, and pure DAF, which showed the greatest disruption. The possible role of auditory imagery in musical performance was discussed, together with four components which perhaps contribute to the standard DAF effect: distraction, error repetition, conflict with expectancies and auditory imagery, and presentation of two competing and conflicting signals (IAF and DAF).     

Self-compassion and responses to negative social feedback: The role of fronto-amygdala circuit connectivity

ABSTRACT

Self-compassion has been shown to have significant relationships with psychological health and well-being. Despite the increasing growth of research on the topic, no studies to date have investigated how self-compassion relates to neural responses to threats to the self. To investigate whether self-compassion relates to threat-regulatory mechanisms at the neural level of analysis, we conducted a functional MRI study in a sample of college-aged students. We hypothesized that self-compassion would relate to greater negative connectivity between the ventromedial prefrontal cortex (VMPFC) and amygdala during a social feedback task. Interestingly, we found a negative correlation between self-compassion and VMPFC-amygdala functional connectivity as predicted; however, this seemed to be due to low levels of self-compassion relating to greater positive connectivity in this circuit (rather than high levels of self-compassion relating to more negative connectivity). We also found significant relationships with multiple subcomponents of self-compassion (Common Humanity, Self-Judgment). These results shed light on how self-compassion might affect neural responses to threat and informs our understanding of the basic psychological regulatory mechanisms linking a lack of self-compassion with poor mental health.