A dissociative word-frequency X levels-of-processing interaction in episodic recognition and lexical decision tasks

The effects of levels-of-processing and word frequency were directly compared in three different memory tests. In the episodic recognition test, the subjects decided whether or not a word or a pronounceable nonword had been previously studied. In the two lexical decision tests with either pronounceable or unpronounceable nonwords as distractors, the subjects decided whether a test item was a word or a nonword. There were four main results: (1) in all three tests, reaction times (RTs) in response to studied words were faster if they had received semantic rather than rhyme processing during study; (2) in the episodic recognition test, RTs were faster for low- than for high-frequency words; in both lexical decision tests, RTs were faster for high- than for low-frequency words, though less so when the nonword distractors were unpronounceable; (3) prior study facilitated lexical decisions more in response to low- than to high-frequency words, thereby attenuating the word-frequency effect, but more so when the nonword distractors were pronounceable; (4) in the lexical decision test with pronounceable nonword distractors, relative to prior rhyme processing, prior semantic processing facilitated performance more for high- than for low-frequency words, whereas the opposite was the case in the episodic recognition test. Discussion focused on the relationship of these results to current views of the mechanisms by which (1) word frequency and depth of processing affect performance in implicit and explicit memory tests, and (2) repetition priming attenuates word-frequency effects for lexical decisions.     

Context and lexical access: implications of nonword interference for lexical ambiguity resolution

To eliminate potential "backward" priming effects, Glucksberg, Kreuz, and Rho (1986) introduced a variant of the cross-modal lexical priming task in which subjects made lexical decisions to nonword targets that were modeled on a word related to either the contextually biased or unbiased sense of an ambiguous word. Lexical decisions to nonwords were longer than controls only when the nonword was related to the contextually biased sense of the ambiguous word, leading Glucksberg et al. to conclude that context does constrain lexical access and that the multiple access pattern observed in previous studies was probably an artifact of backward priming. We did not find nonword interference when the nonword targets used by Glucksberg et al. were preceded by semantically related ambiguous or unambiguous word primes. However, we did replicate their sentence context results when the ambiguous words were removed from the sentences. We conclude that the interference obtained by Glucksberg et al. is due to postlexical judgements of the congruence of the sentence context and the target, not to context constraining lexical access.     

Case alternation effect: Two types of word recognition?

Two experiments were conducted to test Besner's (1983) claim that the lexical decision task involves a type of recognition mechanism that simply monitors the visual familiarity of the target without uniquely specifying the word. The experiments tested the combined effects of case alternation and decision type, and case alternation and word frequency in a lexical decision task and in a task requiring speeded decisions about the syntactic usage of target words. Contrary to Besner's proposal, case alternation did not affect word decisions more than nonword decisions in the lexical decision task. Further, the finding of additive effects of case alternation and word frequency in the two tasks was also at odds with the prediction derived from Besner's account. The discrepancy between the results obtained by Besner and the present lexical decision task was discussed in terms of different decision strategies, and it was suggested that under conditions of difficult word-nonword discrimination, the global visual familiarity of the target is not involved in making lexical decisions.     

Lexical inhibition and sublexical facilitation are surprisingly long lasting

When a listener hears a word (beef), current theories of spoken word recognition posit the activation of both lexical (beef) and sublexical (/b/, /i/, /f/) representations. No lexical representation can be settled on for an unfamiliar utterance (peef). The authors examined the perception of nonwords (peef) as a function of words or nonwords heard 10-20 min earlier. In lexical decision, nonword recognition responses were delayed if a similar word had been heard earlier. In contrast, nonword processing was facilitated by the earlier presentation of a similar nonword (baff-paff). This pattern was observed for both word-initial (beef-peef), and word-final (job-jop) deviation. With the word-in-noise task, real word primes (beef) increased real word intrusions for the target nonword (peef), but only consonant-vowel (CV) or vowel-consonant (VC) intrusions were increased with similar pseudoword primes (baff-paff). The results across tasks and experiments support both a lexical neighborhood view of activation and sublexical representations based on chunks larger than individual phonemes (CV or VC sequences).     

On obtaining episodic priming in a lexical decision task following paired-associate learning

In four experiments, subjects made lexical (word-nonword) decisions to target letter strings after studying paired associates. In this lexical decision test, word targets previously studied as response terms in the paired associates were preceded at a 150-ms and/or 950-ms stimulus onset asynchrony (SOA) by one of various subsets of the following six types of primes: a neutral (XXX or ready) prime, a semantically unrelated word prime episodically related to the target through its having been previously studied in the same pair, a semantically related word prime previously studied in a pair with some other unrelated word, a semantically unrelated word prime previously studied in a pair with some other unrelated word, a nonstudied semantically related word prime, and a nonstudied semantically unrelated word prime. At the 950-ms SOA, facilitation of lexical decisions produced by the episodically related primes was greater in test lists in which there were no 150-ms SOA trials intermixed, no previously studied semantically related primes, and no studied nonword targets. At the 150-ms SOA, facilitation from episodic priming was greater in test lists in which there were no semantically related primes and all studied word targets and no studied nonword targets. Facilitation effects from semantically related primes were small in magnitude and occurred inconsistently. Discussion focused on the implications these results have for the episodic-semantic memory distinction and the automaticity of episodic and semantic priming effects.     

Effects of phonological similarity on priming in auditory lexical decision

Two auditory lexical decision experiments were conducted to determine whether facilitation can be obtained when a prime and a target share word-initial phonological information. Subjects responded “word” or “nonword” to monosyllabic words and nonwords controlled for frequency. Each target was preceded by the presentation of either a word or nonword prime that was identical to the target or shared three, two, or one phonemes from the beginning. The results showed that lexical decision times decreased when the prime and target were identical for both word and nonword targets. However, no facilitation was observed when the prime and target shared three, two, or one initial phonemes, These results were found when the interstimulus interval between the prime and target was 500 msec or 50 msec. In a second experiment, no differences were found between primes and targets that shared three, one, or zero phonemes, although facilitation was observed for identical prime-target pairs. The results are compared to recent findings obtained using a perceptual identification paradigm. Taken together, the findings suggest several important differences in the way lexical decision and perceptual identification tasks tap into the information-processing system during auditory word recognition.     

Semantic expectancy effects on word access

Summary Access to word-representations in memory was studied in an experiment that used a lexical decision task: Ss had to decide whether a string of letters was a word or a nonword. Independent variables were context-similarity and semantic expectancy. The former is defined in terms of the categorical relationship that holds between a set of context words and the subsequently presented test word. The second refers to the cue-value given to subjects as to the likelihood with which related or unrelated test words would be presented. Cue-values did not provide information on the likelihood with which word or nonword decisions were required, but only on the most probable semantic relationship holding among context and test words. In theory, Meyer and Ellis' (1970) race model for word access was extended for the present purpose. It is shown that the two search processes assumed to mediate lexical access interfere on the basis of limited processing capacity, at least under the special conditions prevailing during the experiment. Furthermore, it is shown that Ss effectively manage to control the point in time at which they decide to issue a nonword response. Cuing for related test words tends to produce faster nonword decisions than cuing for unrelated words.This paper reports work that was conceived and begun at Stanford University, Calif., USA, where the author spent a year as a post-doctoral fellow. This fellowship was made possible by the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft, Bad Godesberg, Federal Republic of Germany, Grant Schm 350/1. I am grateful to R.C. Atkinson, S. Monsell, P. Matthews, and D. Vorberg for supporting this research in a number of ways.     

Rhyme decisions to spoken words and nonwords

Lexical effects in auditory rhyme-decision performance were examined in three experiments. Experiment 1 showed reliable lexical involvement: rhyme-monitoring responses to words were faster than rhyme-monitoring responses to nonwords; and decisions were faster in response to high-frequency as opposed to low-frequency words. Experiments 2 and 3 tested for lexical influences in the rejection of three types of nonrhyming item: words, nonwords with rhyming lexical neighbors (e.g.,jop after the cuerob), and nonwords with no rhyming lexical neighbor (e.g.,vop afterrob). Words were rejected more rapidly than nonwords, and there were reliable differences in the speed and accuracy of rejection of the two types of nonword. The advantage for words over nonwords was replicated for positive rhyme decisions. However, there were no differences in the speed of acceptance, as rhymes, of the two types of nonword. The implications of these results for interactive and autonomous models of spoken word recognition are discussed. It is concluded that the differences in rejection of nonrhyming nonwords are due to the operation of a guessing strategy.     

Phonological processing and lexical access in aphasia

This study explored the relationship between on-line processing of phonological information and lexical access in aphasic patients. A lexical decision paradigm was used in which subjects were presented auditorily with pairs of words or word-like stimuli and were asked to make a lexical decision about the second stimulus in the pair. The initial phonemes of the first word primes, which were semantically related to the real word targets, were systematically changed by one or more than one phonetic feature, e.g., cat-dog, gat-dog, wat-dog. Each of these priming conditions was compared to an unrelated word baseline condition, e.g., nurse-dog. Previous work with normals showed that even a nonword stimulus receives a lexical interpretation if it shares a sufficient number of phonetic features with an actual word in the listener's lexicon. Results indicated a monotonically decreasing degree of facilitation as a function of phonological distortion. In contrast, fluent aphasics showed priming in all phonological distortion conditions relative to the unrelated word baseline. Nonfluent aphasics showed priming only in the undistorted, related word condition relative to the unrelated word baseline. Nevertheless, in a secondary task requiring patients to make a lexical decision on the nonword primes presented singly, all aphasics showed phonological feature sensitivity. These results suggest deficits for aphasic patients in the various processes contributing to lexical access, rather than impairments at the level of lexical organization or phonological organization.     

Lateral eyes or lateralized? Hemiretinal and ocular dominance effects on visual field asymmetries for the lexical decision task

The effects of hemiretinal stimulation and ocular dominance on a visual half-field lexical decision task were investigated. Twelve right-eyed and 12 left-eyed subjects made word/nonword decisions about stimuli presented in the left and right visual field under binocular, left-eye alone, and right-eye alone viewing conditions. Both accuracy (d') and response time measures were recorded. The nasal hemiretina advantage for response time and temporal hemiretina advantage for accuracy found for face recognition (Proudfoot, 1983, Brain and Cognition, 2, 25-31) were not present when lexical decisions were made. An overall right visual field advantage was present for both eye-dominance groups. The results support a hemispheric interpretation of visual field differences for the processing of words during lexical decision.     

Phonological, Semantic, and Mediated Priming in Aphasia

An auditory lexical decision task was conducted to examine rhyme, semantic, and mediated priming in nonfluent and fluent aphasic patients and normal controls. Overall, monosyllabic word targets were responded to faster when preceded by rhyming word and nonword primes than unrelated primes. Similarly, semantically related primes facilitated lexical decisions to word targets. No evidence of mediated priming emerged. Results for individual subjects suggest differences in patterns across the subject groups. Implications of the findings for the integrity of lexical access in aphasic patients are considered.     

Adult age differences in the effects of sentence context and stimulus degradation during visual word recognition

I investigated adult age differences in the efficiency of feature-extraction processes during visual word recognition. Participants were 24 young adults (M age = 21.0 years) and 24 older adults (M age = 66.5 years). On each trial, subjects made a word/nonword discrimination (i.e., lexical decision) regarding a target letter-string that was presented as the final item of a sentence context. The target was presented either intact or degraded visually (by the presence of asterisks between adjacent letters). Age differences in lexical decisions speed were greater for degraded targets than for intact targets, suggesting an age-related slowing in the extraction of feature-level information. For degraded word targets, however, the amount of performance benefit provided by the sentence context was greater for older adults than for young adults. It thus appears that an age-related deficiency at an early stage of word recognition is accompanied by an increased contribution from semantic context.     

Single- versus dual-process models of lexical decision performance: insights from response time distributional analysis

This article evaluates 2 competing models that address the decision-making processes mediating word recognition and lexical decision performance: a hybrid 2-stage model of lexical decision performance and a random-walk model. In 2 experiments, nonword type and word frequency were manipulated across 2 contrasts (pseudohomophone-legal nonword and legal-illegal nonword). When nonwords became more wordlike (i.e., BRNTA vs. BRANT vs. BRANE), response latencies to nonwords were slowed and the word frequency effect increased. More important, distributional analyses revealed that the Nonword Type = Word Frequency interaction was modulated by different components of the response time distribution, depending on the specific nonword contrast. A single-process random-walk model was able to account for this particular set of findings more successfully than the hybrid 2-stage model.     

Word skipping during sentence reading: effects of lexicality on parafoveal processing

Two experiments examined how lexical status affects the targeting of saccades during reading by using the boundary technique to vary independently the content of a letter string when seen in parafoveal preview and when directly fixated. Experiment 1 measured the skipping rate for a target word embedded in a sentence under three parafoveal preview conditions: full preview (e.g., brain–brain), pseudohomophone preview (e.g., brane–brain), and orthographic nonword control preview (e.g., brant–brain); in the first condition, the preview string was always an English word, while in the second and third conditions, it was always a nonword. Experiment 2 investigated three conditions where the preview string was always a word: full preview (e.g., beach–beach), homophone preview (e.g., beech–beach), and orthographic control preview (e.g., bench–beach). None of the letter string manipulations used to create the preview conditions in the experiments disrupted sublexical orthographic or phonological patterns. In Experiment 1, higher skipping rates were observed for the full (lexical) preview condition, which consisted of a word, than for the nonword preview conditions (pseudohomophone and orthographic control). In contrast, Experiment 2 showed no difference in skipping rates across the three types of lexical preview conditions (full, homophone, and orthographic control), although preview type did influence reading times. This pattern indicates that skipping not only depends on the presence of disrupted sublexical patterns of orthography or phonology, but also is critically dependent on processes that are sensitive to the lexical status of letter strings in the parafovea.     

Sequential dependencies in the lexical decision task

Two experiments addressed whether response latency in a trial of the lexical decision task is independent of the lexical status of the item presented in the previous trial. In Exp. 1, it was found that both word and nonword responses were significantly slower when the previous trial had involved a nonword than when it had involved a word. In Exp. 2, which employed a different list composition, it was found that responses to nonwords and pseudohomophones were significantly slower when the previous trial had involved a nonword or a pseudohomophone than when it had involved a word. However, responses to words were not influenced by the nature of the previous trial. We concluded that sequential dependencies exist across consecutive trials in the lexical decision task even when there is no semantic, morphological, phonological, or orthographic relationship between the items presented during those trials.     

The generation effect: Further tests of the lexical activation hypothesis

Three experiments compared recognition memory for word versus nonword responses when they had been either read or generated using a rhyme rule and either a word or nonword stimulus. That is, either the wordshop or the nonwordthop was generated from either the wordchop or the nonwordphop. In Experiment 1, the lexicality of the stimulus and response terms was manipulated orthogonally between subjects; in Experiments 2 and 3, it was manipulated orthogonally within subjects. In Experiment 3, subjects also made a lexical (word-nonword) decision about each response term after it had been read or generated. In all three experiments, memory performance was better for generated than read responses. This generation effect occurred only if the response term was a word, regardless of whether the stimulus term was a word or a nonword. These results are discussed in terms of the roles that lexical memory and response unitization play in the generation effect.     

Identifying the speech codes

Models of speech processing typically assume that speech is represented by a succession of codes. In this paper we argue for the psychological validity of a prelexical (phonetic) code and for a postlexical (phonological) code. Whereas phonetic codes are computed directly from an analysis of input acoustic information, phonological codes are derived from information made available subsequent to the perception of higher order (word) units. The results of four experiments described here indicate that listeners can gain access to, or identify, entities at both of these levels. In these studies listeners were presented with sentences and were asked to respond when a particular word-initial target phoneme was detected (phoneme monitoring). In the first three experiments speed of lexical access was manipulated by varying the lexical status (word/nonword) or frequency (high/low) of a word in the critical sentences. Reaction times (RTs) to target phonemes were unaffected by these variables when the target phoneme was on the manipulated word. On the other hand, RTs were substantially affected when the target-bearing word was immediately after the manipulated word. These studies demonstrate that listeners can respond to the prelexical phonetic code. Experiment IV manipulated the transitional probability (high/low) of the target-bearing word and the comprehension test administered to subjects. The results suggest that listeners are more likely to respond to the postlexical phonological code when contextual constraints are present. The comprehension tests did not appear to affect the code to which listeners responded. A “Dual Code” hypothesis is presented to account for the reported findings. According to this hypothesis, listeners can respond to either the phonetic or the phonological code, and various factors (e.g., contextual constraints, memory load, clarity of the input speech signal) influence in predictable ways the code that will be responded to. The Dual Code hypothesis is also used to account for and integrate data gathered with other experimental tasks and to make predictions about the outcome of further studies.     

List context effects on masked phonological priming in the lexical decision task

A lexical decision experiment tested the effects of briefly presented masked primes that were homophones or pseudohomophones of target words. Different types of nonword foil (pseudohomophones, orthographically regular nonwords, orthographically irregular nonwords) were mixed with the word targets. Pseudohomophone priming effects were independent of nonword foil variations, whereas homophone priming effects varied from being facilitatory in the presence of orthographically regular nonwords, inhibitory in the presence of pseudohomophones, and null in the presence of irregular nonwords. This dissociation in the way nonword foil variations influence masked pseudohomophone and homophone priming effects in the lexical decision task is discussed within the framework of a bimodal extension of the multiple readout model of visual word recognition (Grainger & Jacobs, 1996).     

Masked priming of words and nonwords in a naming task: Further evidence for a nonlexical basis for priming

Masked priming effects in word identification tasks such as lexical decision and word naming have been attributed to a lexical mechanism whereby the masked prime opens a lexical entry corresponding to the target word. Two experiments are reported in which masked repetition priming effects of similar magnitude were obtained with word and nonword targets in a naming task. Masked orthographic priming was more stable for word than for nonword targets, although morphological primes produced no advantage beyond that achieved by matched orthographic primes. These results, taken together with the recent finding that repetition priming of nonwords can be obtained in the lexical decision task, support the view that masked priming of words and nonwords has a nonlexical component. We suggest that masked primes can enhance target identification by contributing to the construction of an orthographic or a phonological representation of the target, regardless of the target's lexical status.