Think globally: cross-linguistic variation in electrophysiological activity during sentence comprehension

This paper demonstrates systematic cross-linguistic differences in the electrophysiological correlates of conflicts between form and meaning (“semantic reversal anomalies”). These engender P600 effects in English and Dutch (e.g. [Kolk et al., 2003] and [Kuperberg et al., 2003]), but a biphasic N400 - late positivity pattern in German (Schlesewsky and Bornkessel-Schlesewsky, 2009), and monophasic N400 effects in Turkish (Experiment 1) and Mandarin Chinese (Experiment 2). Experiment 3 revealed that, in Icelandic, semantic reversal anomalies show the English pattern with verbs requiring a position-based identification of argument roles, but the German pattern with verbs requiring a case-based identification of argument roles. The overall pattern of results reveals two separate dimensions of cross-linguistic variation: (i) the presence vs. absence of an N400, which we attribute to cross-linguistic differences with regard to the sequence-dependence of the form-to-meaning mapping and (ii) the presence vs. absence of a late positivity, which we interpret as an instance of a categorisation-related late P300, and which is observable when the language under consideration allows for a binary well-formedness categorisation of reversal anomalies. We conclude that, rather than reflecting linguistic domains such as syntax and semantics, the late positivity vs. N400 distinction is better understood in terms of the strategies that serve to optimise the form-to-meaning mapping in a given language.     

Role of referent concreteness in the acquisition of passive sentence comprehension through abstract modeling

The present experiment tested the hypothesis that development of syntactic comprehension through verbal modeling is enhanced by referent concreteness as a contextual influence. Young children heard a model narrate a series of events in passive form while the model either performed the corresponding activities, showed pictures portraying the same activities, or displayed no referential aids. In accord with prediction, verbal modeling with enactive referents produced higher levels of comprehension of passives than modeling with pictorial referents or modeling without referential aids. Modeling with pictorial referents and modeling without referents did not differ in overall efficacy. However, modeling alone produced results that were less consistent across different measures of comprehension. Children who lacked understanding of passives were more dependent on concrete referents than those who had some initial comprehension of the linguistic form. The results suggest that verbal modeling with pictorial referents and verbal modeling alone facilitate comprehension of passives, whereas verbal modeling with enactive referents promotes learning. Findings of a supplemental experiment reveal that the effects of verbal modeling on comprehension are enhanced when syntactic forms occur in a meaningful verbal context.     

Semantic focus and sentence comprehension.

Reaction time to detect a phoneme target in a sentence was found to be faster when the word in which the target occurred formed part of the semantic focus of the sentence. Focus was determined by asking a question before the sentence; that part of the sentence which comprised the answer to the sentence was assumed to be focussed. This procedure made it possible to vary position of focus within the sentence while holding all acoustic aspects of the sentence itself constant. It is argued that sentence understanding is facilitated by rapid identification of focussed information. Since focussed words are usually accented, it is further argued that the active search for accented words demonstrated in previous research should be interpreted as a search for semantic focus.     

In search of on-line locality effects in sentence comprehension

Many comprehension theories assert that increasing the distance between elements participating in a linguistic relation (e.g., a verb and a noun phrase argument) increases the difficulty of establishing that relation during on-line comprehension. Such locality effects are expected to increase reading times and are thought to reveal properties and limitations of the short-term memory system that supports comprehension. Despite their theoretical importance and putative ubiquity, however, evidence for on-line locality effects is quite narrow linguistically and methodologically: It is restricted almost exclusively to self-paced reading of complex structures involving a particular class of syntactic relation. We present 4 experiments (2 self-paced reading and 2 eyetracking experiments) that demonstrate locality effects in the course of establishing subject-verb dependencies; locality effects are seen even in materials that can be read quickly and easily. These locality effects are observable in the earliest possible eye-movement measures and are of much shorter duration than previously reported effects. To account for the observed empirical patterns, we outline a processing model of the adaptive control of button pressing and eye movements. This model makes progress toward the goal of eliminating linking assumptions between memory constructs and empirical measures in favor of explicit theories of the coordinated control of motor responses and parsing.     

Active memory processes in visual sentence comprehension: Clause effects and pronominal reference

Two experiments were conducted to investigate active memory processes during reading. Subjects read two-clause sentences one word at a time at a self-paced rate. Following each sentence a probe word was presented; subjects were to decide if this word occurred in the sentence they had just read. The first experiment examined clausal effects during reading. Reaction times to items from the final clause were shorter than those to items from a previous clause even when the same number of words intervened. The second experiment used the clause effect to address the issue of proniminal reference. Results indicated that a pronoun in the final clause activated the meaning of its antecedent, thus demonstrating that the method is sensitive to both surface and meaning codes in active memory.     

Context effects in sentence comprehension: A study of the subjective lexicon

These studies explore the role of context in determining what information about the meanings of words is activated in memory at the time a word is encountered in a sentence. Using a color-naming paradigm, it was shown that both meanings of a word that has two distinct meanings are activated in memory at the time the word is heard in a sentence. This activation occurs even when there is sufficient contextual information to indicate which meaning was intended by the speaker. These results support the hypothesis that there exists in memory an isolable subjective lexicon. They suggest that context which is effective in disambiguating lexical ambiguities in the language has its effect only at a relatively late stage in the cognitive processing involved in language comprehension.     

Syntactic presupposition in sentence comprehension

Two experiments investigated the role of syntactic presupposition in sentence comprehension. In Experiment I subjects verified cleft, pseudocleft and factive complement sentences with respect to preceding context paragraphs, which contradicted either the assertion or the presupposition of the target sentence. Subjects took significantly longer to verify sentences with false presuppositions than sentences with false assertions. In Experiment II subjects verified cleft and pseudocleft sentences with respect to subsequently presented pictures. Once again, verification times for sentences with false presuppositions were significantly longer than verification times for sentences with false assertions. It was argued that these findings are more adequately explained by a “structural” hypothesis, than in terms of strategies designed to locate given and new information.     

Time representation in sentence comprehension

In this study we have attempted to demonstrate the validity of certain hypotheses based on the assumption that in some cases we represent time by means of a linear vector. A verification task in which the subject had to judge the correctness of sentences such as ‘he arrived yesterday’, ‘they will speak tomorrow’ was used to test predictions from a model in which there were the following stages of processing: (a) tense representation, i.e., past, present, and future; (b) adverb representation, i.e., the localization of particular moments; (c) verification of tense-adverb coincidence; (d) response selection and output. The results support the hypothesis that the past has a longer and more detailed representation than the present and the future. Second, the unit of measurement of time appears not to be constant, but to increase as a function of the distance from the present of the moment to be localized. Third, the present and the future tenses seem to have some typical moments: today and tomorrow are most easily localized when paired with present and future tenses, respectively. The model does not entirely accommodate the data, however, and incongruences are discussed.     

Processing strategies in sentence comprehension

Response latencies in sentence-picture verification tasks were compared as a function of whether a mismatch was located in the logical subject (LS), verb (V), or logical object (LO) of the sentence. Sentences were presented auditorily and varied in voice and reversibility. The comparison process for nonreversibles was clearly serial self-terminating: latencies for both actives and passives were ordered LS < V < LO, or, after practice with a small number of mismatch types, LS < LO < V. Latencies for reversibles were ordered V < LS = LO, suggesting either a verb-first comparison process or an LS-V-LO comparison process which did not terminate with a subject-mismatch because of the confusability of the subject and object. The results attest to the importance of considering the "naturalness" of stimuli in sentence processing tasks, and the flexibility of subjects' encoding and comparison strategies both within and across task contexts.     

Lexical information in sentence comprehension

An experiment was constructed testing predictions derived from the mental model theory. According to this theory, individual words in a sentence provide clues to the building of the mental model of the sentence and need to be interpreted in relation to general knowledge of situations similar to those described in the sentence. After reading a sentence, subjects had to produce, as quickly as possible, one aspect of the meaning of a target noun. The sentence either did or did not contain the target noun, and it primed either one aspect of its meaning or no specific aspect of it. The prediction was that the subjects would be faster and more uniform at producing the primed aspect of the target noun after a priming sentence than at producing any aspect of the noun after a non-priming sentence, and this difference would occur regardless of whether the target noun had occurred in the prior sentence. The results, which confirm the predictions, are discussed in relation to current theories of sentence comprehension.     

Test anxiety,sentence comprehension,and recognition memory

Abstract

The present study explored the relationships between trait and state test anxiety of students, and comprehension and recognition memory for sentences. The results demonstrated that test anxiety effects could be found in comprehension-based recognition memory for sentences under conditions that minimized complex retrieval operations. Comprehension was related to the test anxiety deficit, supporting the hypothesis that anxiety-recognition relations were mediated by anxiety-comprehension and comprehension-recognition relations. However, a partial correlation analysis suggested that this comprehension-deficit hypothesis is not adequate to explain the total deficit. Elaborative processes were suggested as a potential contributor to the findings.     

Novel metaphor comprehension: Semantic neighbourhood density interacts with concreteness

Previous research suggests that metaphor comprehension is affected both by the concreteness of the topic and vehicle and their semantic neighbours (Kintsch, 2000; Xu, 2010). However, studies have yet to manipulate these 2 variables simultaneously. To that end, we composed novel metaphors manipulated on topic concreteness and semantic neighbourhood density (SND) of topic and vehicle. In Experiment 1, participants rated the metaphors on the suitability (e.g. sensibility) of their topic-vehicle pairings. Topic concreteness interacted with SND such that participants rated metaphors from sparse semantic spaces to be more sensible than those from dense semantic spaces and preferred abstract topics over concrete topics only for metaphors from dense semantic spaces. In Experiments 2 and 3, we used presentation deadlines and found that topic concreteness and SND affect the online processing stages associated with metaphor comprehension. We discuss how the results are aligned with established psycholinguistic models of metaphor comprehension.     

The effects of linearity on sentence comprehension in oral and silent reading

This study examined the effects of linearity of language (e.g., de Saussure, 1916/1972) on performance on a sentence comprehension task, manipulating (a) presentation method (simultaneous, phrase, or flow) and (b) reading method (oral or silent reading). The study also examined the predictive powers of the digit span test (DST) and the reading span test (RST) for task performance. Fifty‐four undergraduate and graduate students participated in the experiment. The results showed that the DST score predicted performance on both garden‐path (GP) and non‐garden‐path (NGP) sentences, whereas the RST score did so only for GP sentences. This suggests that the sentence comprehension task requires not only comprehension but also temporarily storing verbal information, and that the RST score reflects the degree of tolerance for deviation from linearity. The results also revealed that silent reading has an advantage over oral reading in simultaneous presentation and vice versa in flow presentation, whereas the difference between reading methods disappeared in phrase presentation. This suggests that oral and silent reading require different strategies to facilitate sentence comprehension.     

Interactive processes in sentence comprehension and recognition

Two experiments examined the roles played by semantic and surface information in reading and recognizing sentences. Subjects read sentences in normal and inverted typography. Their recognition of meaning and other sentence features was tested using sentences whose typography, wording, and/or meaning were either the same as or different from that in the first set of sentences. In Experiment 1, subjects either read aloud or performed a sentence continuation task. For originally inverted sentences, recognition of meaning was high, irrespective of task demands. For originally normal sentences, recognition was low for Read Aloud subjects and high for Sentence Continuation subjects. Sentence recognition was affected by repetition of wording and typography. Experiment 2 replicated the results with the read aloud task and showed the second reading of originally inverted sentences to be equally swift for paraphrase and verbatim test forms. It was concluded that reading and recognition are interactive processes, involving conceptually driven and data driven operations. The interaction of operations may be either automatic or controlled. While processing of normal typography is automatic, inverted typography induces controlled processing, resulting in better retention. Furthermore, semantic and surface information are conceptualized as interacting components of comprehension and memory processes.     

Plausibility and argument structure in sentence comprehension

In two experiments, we investigated how reading time was affected by the plausibility of the prepositional phrase in subject-verb-noun-phrase-prepositional-phrase sentences, and the status of the prepositional phrase as argument versus adjunct of the verb. Highly plausible prepositional phrases were read faster than less plausible ones, and argument prepositional phrases were read faster than adjuncts. These effects appeared both in a self-paced reading experiment and in an experiment that measured eye movements during normal reading. The effects of plausibility were substantially larger and longer lasting than the effects of argument status, but both appeared very early in the reading of the prepositional phrase. The implications of these effects for models of parsing and sentence interpretation are discussed.     

Both concreteness and age-of-acquisition affect reading accuracy but only concreteness affects comprehension in a deep dyslexic patient

As concreteness correlates very highly with the age-of-acquisition (AoA) of words, we attempted to disentangle the effects of these two variables in the oral reading and comprehension performance of the deep dyslexic patient LW. The results of a multiple regression analysis of LW's reading of 217 words showed that both AoA and concreteness affect reading accuracy, with the AoA effect being most apparent for her reading of concrete words. However, concreteness and not AoA affected LW's performance in matching spoken definitions to printed words, both when the distractors were semantically unrelated and when they were related. These data are interpreted in terms of a model of reading in deep dyslexia in which concreteness affects the ease with which semantics are accessed and can activate lexical representations, and AoA affects the ease with which lexical phonology becomes available for spoken word production.     

Against repair-based reanalysis in sentence comprehension

Structural reanalysis is generally assumed to be representation-preserving, whereby the initial analysis is manipulated or repaired to arrive at a new structure. This paper contends that the theoretical and empirical basis for such approaches is weak. A conceptually simpler alternative is that the processor reprocesses (some portion of) the input using just those structure-building operations available in first-pass parsing. This reprocessing is a necessary component of any realistic processing model. By contrast, the structural revisions required for second-pass repair are more powerful than warranted by the abilities of the first-pass parser. This paper also reviews experimental evidence for repair presented by Sturt, Pickering, and Crocker (1999). We demonstrate that the Sturt et al. findings are consistent with a reprocessing account and present a self-paced reading experiment intended to tease apart the repair and reprocessing accounts. The results support a reprocessing interpretation of Sturt et al.'s data, rendering a repair-based explanation superfluous.     

Information structure expectations in sentence comprehension

In English, new information typically appears late in the sentence, as does primary accent. Because of this tendency, perceivers might expect the final constituent or constituents of a sentence to contain informational focus. This expectation should in turn affect how they comprehend focus-sensitive constructions such as ellipsis sentences. Results from four experiments on sluicing sentences (e.g., The mobster implicated the thug, but we can't find out who else) suggest that perceivers do prefer to place focus late in the sentence, though that preference can be mitigated by prosodic information (pitch accents, Experiment 2) or syntactic information (clefted sentences, Experiment 3) indicating that focus is located elsewhere. Furthermore, it is not necessarily the direct object, but the informationally focused constituent that is the preferred antecedent (Experiment 4). Expectations regarding the information structure of a sentence, which are only partly cancellable by means of overt focus markers, may explain persistent biases in ellipsis resolution.     

Information structure expectations in sentence comprehension

In English, new information typically appears late in the sentence, as does primary accent. Because of this tendency, perceivers might expect the final constituent or constituents of a sentence to contain informational focus. This expectation should in turn affect how they comprehend focus-sensitive constructions such as ellipsis sentences. Results from four experiments on sluicing sentences (e.g., The mobster implicated the thug, but we can't find out who else) suggest that perceivers do prefer to place focus late in the sentence, though that preference can be mitigated by prosodic information (pitch accents, Experiment 2) or syntactic information (clefted sentences, Experiment 3) indicating that focus is located elsewhere. Furthermore, it is not necessarily the direct object, but the informationally focused constituent that is the preferred antecedent (Experiment 4). Expectations regarding the information structure of a sentence, which are only partly cancellable by means of overt focus markers, may explain persistent biases in ellipsis resolution.