The holistic presumptions of the indispensability argument

The indispensability argument is sometimes seen as weakened by its reliance on a controversial premise of confirmation holism. Recently, some philosophers working on the indispensability argument have developed versions of the argument which, they claim, do not rely on holism. Some of these writers even claim to have strengthened the argument by eliminating the controversial premise. I argue that the apparent removal of holism leaves a lacuna in the argument. Without the holistic premise, or some other premise which facilitates the transfer of evidence to mathematical portions of scientific theories, the argument is implausible.     

Democratic Privacy

This article proposes a novel justification for privacy rights based on the relationship between privacy and the democratic devices of voting and deliberation. Through an epistemic conception of democracy, I show that privacy, defined as epistemic inaccessibility, justifies a reliance on the vote as the voluntary mechanism of revealing citizen preferences, even in the face of theoretically more responsive methods. Respecting the inaccessibility of citizens' views ensures that democratic governments remain reliant on, rather than merely responsive to, the wills of their citizens. In addition, spaces of epistemic inaccessibility both motivate a basic form of deliberation between citizens and foster healthy deliberative practices by blunting the potentially corrosive effects of publicity. Privacy can thus be seen as a presupposition of core democratic institutions, and not just as an individual right possessed by members of a liberal-democratic polity. This new conceptualization provides a powerful additional justification for privacy rights and suggests an alternative approach to enacting privacy-protective measures.     

Democratic classroom communities

I explore democractic communities using the classroom community as a metaphor. I suggest that democracies do justice to individuals as well as groups, because of the democratic focus on the interconnected, interdependent, interactive relationship that exists between selves and communities. However, the concept of community has problems and contradictions as well. Through the examples of Summerhill and Montessori schools it is easier to see a necessary quality of democratic communities that needs highlighting. That quality is caring. Making the connection between democracy and caring is what this article uniquely offers to the lively discussion on communities and selves.     

Radical Democratic Communities Always-in-the-Making

This article explores the centralpragmatist and feminist philosophical assumption thatknowers can not be separated from what is known, thatthere is a dialectical relationship between socialbeings and ideas that is dynamic, flexible, andreciprocal. The author seeks a closer examination ofconstructive thinking in relation to the practice ofthinking constructively within social communities. She discusses social communities that constructknowledge as radical democratic communitiesalways-in-the-making, and the skills of communicatingand relating which help knowers be able to activelyparticipate in the construction of knowledge. Giventhe fallibility of the pluralistic subjects, she showsthe importance of addressing cultural influences andpolitical power in theories about thinking. Sheargues for the value of embracing pluralistic anddemocratic commitments on epistemological grounds aswell as moral grounds.     

论毛泽东民主的宪政观

民主的宪政观是毛泽东宪政思想的一个鲜明特点.毛泽东将宪政视为民主的产物、立宪的原则和目的,在国家宪政制度架构中贯彻民主精神,在宪法中保障人民权利和自由.毛泽东的宪政观对我国宪政建设有重要的意义,同时也存在一些局限性:将宪政视同民主政治,导致宪政的重要内容--限政、法治受到忽视,宪政工具主义导致当民主与宪政发生冲突时为了民主而抛弃宪政.影响毛泽东民主的宪政观的因素主要有人民主体论、工具主义宪政观和传统文化的影响、冷战格局下两大阵营意识形态对立.     

Threats to Democratic Rationality

This article examines trends that are impacting democratic rationality. It is found that the trends are almost uniformly negative. Viewed from within the legislative branch, trends are negatively impacting legislators’ time, complexifying problems, constraining options, and limiting the evaluation of options. Trends external to the legislative branch are reducing citizen participation and knowledge about public affairs, skewing the balance of power among the branches and states, and decreasing accountability of public officials. In combination, democratic rationality, the process of making good, efficient, and timely decisions to promote higher quality of life and the public good, is seriously threatened. Recommendations include public financing of campaigns, more structured legislative decision-making processes, simplification tests for all new legislation and regulations, and a major new initiative to foster public involvement in public decision making.     

《资本论》中的民主观

马克思的政治思想一直是国内外理论界讨论的热点,特别是20世纪90年代前苏联和东欧等国政治格局巨变后,马克思的政治理论受到西方自由主义者的质疑。如波普尔、哈耶克就认为马克思是民主的敌人,他的社会主义理论意味着奴役和独裁,按照马克思的政治理论,必然会导致集权和纳粹主义     

清真寺民主管理办法

第一条为了保障清真寺宗教活动的正常开展,维护清真寺的合法权益,规范清真寺的管理,根据《宗教事务条例》和《中国伊斯兰教协会章程》等有关规定,结合伊斯兰教教X、教规及我国伊斯兰教实际情况,制定本办法。第二条清真寺是信仰伊斯兰教的各民族穆斯林举行宗教活动、讲经宣教、培养宗教教职人员、办理教务的场所。第三条清真寺应当依法进行登记,领取《宗教活动场所登记证》。     

Reparations in Democratic Transitions

This article proposes a normative theory of reparations for political violence from the standpoint of contemporary critical theory debates on recognition and redistribution. I argue that any satisfactory reparations theory should aspire to ‘status parity’, a term coined by Nancy Fraser, and should include symbolic and material components for both individuals and groups. The essay argues that reparations can promote a number of worthy goals, including the reaffirmation of moral respect and dignity of victims.     

Democratic Citizenship, Education and Friendship Revisited: In Defence of Democratic Justice

Literature about the significance of cultivating democratic citizenship education in universities abounds. However, very little has been said about the importance of friendship in sustaining democratic communities. In this article I argue for a complementary view of friendship based on mutuality and love—with reference to the seminal ideas of Sherman and Derrida. My view is that teaching and learning ought to be used as pedagogical spaces to nurture forms of friendship which not only encourage mutuality but also love in order to make possible the taking of risks on the part of students and teachers. And, if teachers and students act with mutuality and love they would be more favourably positioned in their society to take risks and to enact democratic justice.