Letter transpositions within and across morphemes

Three masked-prime naming experiments were conducted to examine the impact of morpheme boundaries on letter transposition confusability effects. In Experiment 1, the priming effects of primes containing letter transpositions within (sunhsine) and transpositions across (susnhine) the constituents of compound words were compared with correctly spelled primes and primes containing letter substitutions in naming correctly spelled targets. Primes containing transpositions within morphemes facilitated naming as much as correctly spelled primes. Primes with transpositions across morphemes did not facilitate naming more than primes with letter substitutions. Experiment 2 replicated Experiment 1 and extended the effects to so-called pseudocompounds (mayhem). Experiment 3 extended the results to agentive derivational morphology (boaster). The results are discussed in the context of visual word recognition.     

Letter form as a constraint for errors in neglect dyslexia and letter position dyslexia

Does letter-form constrain errors in peripheral dyslexia? In Hebrew, 5 of the 22 letters have two different letter forms, one is used only when the letter occurs in word-final position, the other form is used in initial and middle positions. Is the information on final-forms encoded in the letter identity information and used for word identification, or is it discarded? The current research explored this question through the effect of final vs. non final letter form on the error pattern in neglect dyslexia (neglexia) and letter position dyslexia (LPD). Left word-based neglexia results in errors of omission, substitution and addition of letters in the left side of words, which in Hebrew is the end of the word. We examined whether final letter form blocks the addition of letters to the end of the word and whether omissions of letters after letters in non-final form are avoided. The predominant error type in LPD is migration of letters within words. We tested whether migrations also occur when they cause form change of either final-form letters that move to middle position or middle-form letters that move to final position. These questions were assessed in both acquired and developmental neglexia and LPD. The results indicated a strong effect of final letter-form on acquired neglexia and on acquired and developmental LPD, which almost completely prevented form-changing errors. This effect was not found in developmental neglexia, where words that end in final-form letters were actually more impaired than other words, probably because final-form letters appear only on the neglected side of the word for Hebrew-reading children with left developmental neglexia. These data show that early visuo-orthographic analysis is sensitive to final letter form and that final letter form constrains errors in peripheral dyslexia.     

An explanation of the length effect for rotated words

We suggest that the question of how letter position within a word is neurally encoded offers a circumscribed problem for investigating representational issues relevant to high-level cognitive processing. We have previously proposed a model of letter-position encoding wherein position is tagged by timing of firing relative to an underlying oscillatory cycle. We review this model, and demonstrate how it can account for some puzzling experimental data concerning reaction times for lexical decision on rotated letter strings.     

Letter position dyslexia in Arabic: from form to position

This study reports the reading of 11 Arabic-speaking individuals with letter position dyslexia (LPD), and the effect of letter form on their reading errors. LPD is a peripheral dyslexia caused by a selective deficit to letter position encoding in the orthographic-visual analyzer, which results in migration of letters within words, primarily of middle letters. The Arabic orthography is especially interesting for the study of LPD because Arabic letters have different forms in different positions in the word. As a result, some letter position errors require letter form change. We compared the rate of letter migrations that change letter form with migrations that do not change letter form in 10 Arabic-speaking individuals with developmental LPD, and one bilingual Arabic and Hebrew-speaking individual with acquired LPD. The results indicated that the participants made 40% letter position errors in migratable words when the resulting word included the letters in the same form, whereas migrations that changed letter form almost never occurred. The error rate of the Arabic-Hebrew bilingual reader was smaller in Arabic than in Hebrew. However, when only words in which migrations do not change letter form were counted, the rate was similar in Arabic and Hebrew. Hence, whereas orthographies with multiple letter forms for each letter might seem more difficult in some respects, these orthographies are in fact easier to read in some forms of dyslexia. Thus, the diagnosis of LPD in Arabic should consider the effect of letter forms on migration errors, and use only migratable words that do not require letter-form change. The theoretical implications for the reading model are that letter form (of the position-dependent type found in Arabic) is part of the information encoded in the abstract letter identity, and thus affects further word recognition processes, and that there might be a pre-lexical graphemic buffer in which the checking of orthographic well-formedness takes place.     

Letter legibility and visual word recognition

Word recognition performance varies systematically as a function of where the eyes fixate in the word. Performance is maximal with the eye slightly left of the center of the word and decreases drastically to both sides of thisoptimal viewing position. While manipulations of lexical factors have only marginal effects on this phenomenon, previous studies have pointed to a relation between the viewing position effect (VPE) and letter legibility: When letter legibility drops, the VPE becomes more exaggerated. To further investigate this phenomenon, we improved letter legibility by magnifying letter size in a way that was proportional to the distance from fixation (e.g., TABLE). Contrary to what would be expected if the VPE were due to limits of acuity, improving the legibility of letters has only a restricted influence on performance. In particular, for long words, a strong VPE remains even when letter legibility is equalized across eccentricities. The failure to neutralize the VPE is interpreted in terms of perceptual learning: Since normally, because of acuity limitations, the only information available in parafoveal vision concerns low-resolution features of letters; even when magnification provides better information, readers are unable to make use of it.     

Friends in Low-Entropy Places: Orthographic Neighbor Effects on Visual Word Identification Differ Across Letter Positions

Visual word recognition is facilitated by the presence of orthographic neighbors that mismatch the target word by a single letter substitution. However, researchers typically do not consider where neighbors mismatch the target. In light of evidence that some letter positions are more informative than others, we investigate whether the influence of orthographic neighbors differs across letter positions. To do so, we quantify the number of enemies at each letter position (how many neighbors mismatch the target word at that position). Analyses of reaction time data from a visual word naming task indicate that the influence of enemies differs across letter positions, with the negative impacts of enemies being most pronounced at letter positions where readers have low prior uncertainty about which letters they will encounter (i.e., positions with low entropy). To understand the computational mechanisms that give rise to such positional entropy effects, we introduce a new computational model, VOISeR (Visual Orthographic Input Serial Reader), which receives orthographic inputs in parallel and produces an over-time sequence of phonemes as output. VOISeR produces a similar pattern of results as in the human data, suggesting that positional entropy effects may emerge even when letters are not sampled serially. Finally, we demonstrate that these effects also emerge in human subjects' data from a lexical decision task, illustrating the generalizability of positional entropy effects across visual word recognition paradigms. Taken together, such work suggests that research into orthographic neighbor effects in visual word recognition should also consider differences between letter positions.     

Recognizing orally spelled words: an analysis of procedures shared with reading and spelling

Some investigators have suggested that recognizing orally spelled words is dependent on the same procedures ordinarily used in spelling, whereas others have viewed it either as dependent on reading procedures or as an independent ability. In the present study, a single subject with dyslexia and dysgraphia was examined on parallel tests of recognizing orally spelled words, reading, and spelling (writing), and a comparison was made of his performance on the three tasks. On both words and nonwords, the patient's errors in recognizing orally spelled words and in reading were alike, whereas his spelling errors were often different. The distinction between recognizing orally spelled words and spelling was further shown by his inability to recognize a set of orally spelled words that he could write correctly to dictation or on the basis of word meaning. These findings suggest that the procedures normally used for reading can accept sequences of letter identities as input when orally spelled words must be recognized.     

Detecting letters in continuous text: effects of display size

In three letter detection experiments, subjects responded to each instance of the letter t in continuous text typed in a standard paragraph, typed with one to four words per line, or shown for a fixed duration on a computer screen either one or four words at a time. In the multiword and the standard paragraph conditions, errors were greatest and latencies longest on the word the when it was correctly spelled. This effect was diminished or reversed in the one-word conditions. These findings support a set of unitization hypotheses about the reading process, according to which subjects do not process the constituent letters of a word once that word has been identified unless no other word is in view.     

Letter and word code interactions elicited by normally displayed words

The dependence of visual word recognition on letter processing was investigated by measuring the effect of a cue word on subsequent target word processing for various degrees of cue/ target similarity. Using a simultaneous matching task (Experiments 1 and 2), modest facilitation was found for identical cue/target items only, whereas items that differed by a single letter led to substantial interference. Targets that shared internal or external letters with cues yielded latencies comparable to those for neutral or different cue conditions. The identical facilitation and high-similarity interference was also found in a lexical decision task under normal display conditions (Experiment 3). However, when direct letter processing was measured using spatially transformed targets (Experiment 4), large facilitatory effects were found for similar as well as for identical cue/target conditions. Although both letter and word codes appear to be activated by normally displayed words, such word code activity may not routinely depend upon letter code outputs.     

Parafoveal letter-position coding in reading

The masked-priming lexical decision task has been the paradigm of choice for investigating how readers code for letter identity and position. Insight into the temporal integration of information between prime and target words has pointed out, among other things, that readers do not code for the absolute position of letters. This conception has spurred various accounts of the word recognition process, but the results at present do not favor one account in particular. Thus, employing a new strategy, the present study moves out of the arena of temporal- and into the arena of spatial information integration. We present two lexical decision experiments that tested how the processing of six-letter target words is influenced by simultaneously presented flanking stimuli (each stimulus was presented for 150 ms). We manipulated the orthographic relatedness between the targets and flankers, in terms of both letter identity (same/different letters based on the target’s outer/inner letters) and letter position (intact/reversed order of letters and of flankers, contiguous/noncontiguous flankers). Target processing was strongly facilitated by same-letter flankers, and this facilitatory effect was modulated by both letter/flanker order and contiguity. However, when the flankers consisted of the target’s inner-positioned letters alone, letter order no longer mattered. These findings suggest that readers may code for the relative position of letters using words’ edges as spatial points of reference. We conclude that the flanker paradigm provides a fruitful means to investigate letter-position coding in the fovea and parafovea.     

Investigating the boundaries of reading units: letter detection in misspelled words

In two experiments, subjects searching for the letter t in passages that contained some misspellings made many more errors on the word the than on other correctly spelled words. Accuracy increased dramatically when the word the and the other words containing t were misspelled, even when the misspelled word was the same shape as the original. These findings define a word-inferiority effect, which stands in contrast to the superior perception of letters in words over nonwords commonly found in tachistoscopic studies. In a third experiment, subjects searched for the letter n in passages typed normally or typed with all interword spaces replaced by the symbol +. Detection errors on the word and were greatly reduced when the interword spaces were replaced by +s, but errors on other words, including those ending in the suffix morpheme -ing, were not affected by this manipulation. These results suggest that frequent function words are processed in terms of reading units that are larger than the letter and include the interword spaces.     

Letter position information and printed word perception: the relative-position priming constraint

Six experiments apply the masked priming paradigm to investigate how letter position information is computed during printed word perception. Primes formed by a subset of the target's letters facilitated target recognition as long as the relative position of letters was respected across prime and target (e.g., "arict" vs. "acirt" as primes for the target "apricot"). Priming effects were not influenced by whether or not absolute, length-dependent position was respected (e.g., "a-ric-t" vs. "arict"/"ar-i-ct"). Position of overlap of relative-position primes (e.g., apric-apricot; ricot-apricot; arict-apricot) was found to have little influence on the size of priming effects, particularly in conditions (i.e., 33 ms prime durations) where there was no evidence for phonological priming. The results constrain possible schemes for letter position coding.     

Orthographic effects in the word substitutions of aphasic patients: an epidemic of right neglect dyslexia?

Aphasic patients with reading impairments frequently substitute incorrect real words for target words when reading aloud. Many of these word substitutions have substantial orthographic overlap with their targets and are classified as "visual errors" (i.e., sharing 50% of targets' letters in the same relative position). Fifteen chronic aphasic patients read a battery of words and non-words; non-word reading was poor for all patients, and more than 50% of errors on words involved the substitution of a non-target word. An investigation of the factors conditioning these word substitutions, as well as the production of visual errors, identified a number of similarities to patterns previously reported for patients with right neglect dyslexia, which has been said to occur relatively rarely. These included a strong tendency for errors to overlap targets in initial letter positions, maintenance of target length in errors, and the substitution of words higher in imageability than targets. It is proposed that left hemisphere damage frequently leads to disruption of a level of representation for written words in which letter position is ordinally coded, resulting in exacerbation of a normal processing advantage for early letter positions. A computational model is discussed that incorporates this level of representation and successfully simulates relevant normal and patient data.     

Compact representations of positional knowledge in short and long words for letters and features

Single-letter statistical measures providing values for each letter-position and word-length combination are too unwieldy for use in working letter-recognition models; more compact tables are needed. Compact tables collapsing word length to short or long words and letter positions to first, last, or middle letters are presented for the frequency and versatility of single letters. Letter-position and word-size differences are preserved in this reduced format. To test awareness of these values, subjects rate the commonness of letters in each letter position. Their responses indicate high intersubject agreement and correlate highly with the frequency and versatility measures. A LISP program that translates the letter knowledge for each letter into a corresponding knowledge for each feature in a feature set is described. Distinctiveness values for each feature (see Shimron & Navon, 1981) are computed.     

Letter-position coding in random consonant arrays

The processing of letter-position information in randomly arranged consonant strings was investigated using a masked prime variant of the alphabetic decision (letter/nonletter classification) task. In Experiment 1, primes were uppercase consonant trigrams (e.g., FMH) and targets were two uppercase Xs accompanied by the target letter or a nonletter (e.g., XMX, X%X). Response times were systematically faster when target letters were present in the prime string than when target letters were not present in the prime string. These constituent letter-priming effects were significantly stronger when the target letter appeared in the same position in the prime and target stimuli. This contrast between position-specific and position-independent priming was accentuated when subjects responded only when all the characters in the target string were letters (multiple alphabetic decision) in Experiments 2 and 3. In Experiment 4, when prime exposure duration was varied, it was found that position-specific priming develops earlier than position-independent priming. Finally, Experiment 5 ruled out a perceptual-matching interpretation of these results. An interpretation is offered in terms of position-specific and position-independent letter-detector units in an interactiveactivation framework.     

Conflicting strategies and hemispheric suppression in a lexical decision task

The research tests the prediction of the inhibitory-interaction hypothesis that experience with a task accentuates the functional imbalance between the hemispheres. Right-handed males who were experienced readers were presented a letter string to the centre visual field for lexical decision. The string was or was not accompanied by a blinking light to the left or right visual field. It was predicted that asymmetry would be greatest for strings that spelled words, less for strings that were orthographically correct (pseudowords) and least for strings that were orthographically incorrect (nonwords) because efficient adult readers have more experience with letter strings that do than do not spell a word, and have more experience with orthographically correct than incorrect letter strings. The analysis of response times supported the prediction. Moreover, in the nonword and in early trials of the pseudoword conditions, response times were faster when one or other hemisphere was distracted than when both were engaged suggesting the hemispheres use strategies that conflict when suppression has not been accentuated by practice. As well, as the trials progressed in the pseudoword condition, asymmetry reversed before increasing suggesting that the hemispheres reduce conflict by competing for and then strengthening suppression.     

Letter visibility and word recognition: The optimal viewing position in printed words

It has repeatedly been shown that the time and accuracy of recognizing a word depend strongly on where in the word the eye is fixating. Word-recognition performance is maximal when the eye fixates a region near the word’s center, and decreases to both sides of this “optimal viewing position.” The reason for this phenomenon is assumed to be the strong drop-off of visual acuity: the visibility of letters decreases with increasing eccentricity from fixation location. Consequently, fewer letters can be identified when the beginning or ending of a word is fixated than when its center is fixated. The present study is a test of this visual acuity hypothesis. If the phenomenon is caused by letter visibility, then it should be sensitive to variations of visual conditions in which the letters are presented. By increasing the interletter distances of the word(e.g.,a_t_t_e_m_ p_ t), letter visibility was decreased. As expected from our hypothesis, the viewing-position effect became more exaggerated. An additional experiment showed that destroying word-shape information (e.g., aTtEmPt) decreased overall word-recognition performance but had no influence on the viewingposition effect. Varying the viewing position in words might thus be used as a paradigm, allowing one to separate out the contribution of letter information and supraletter information to word recognition.     

Letter visibility and the viewing position effect in visual word recognition

The ease with which printed words are recognized depends on the position at which the eyes initially fixate the word. In this study, we examined to what extent recognition performance for each fixation position depends on the average visibility of the word's constituent letters. Experiment 1 measured recognition performance to single letters embedded in strings of Xs (lengths of 5 and 7) for all combinations of letter position and initial fixation position in the string. In Experiment 2, recognition performance was measured for five-letter and seven-letter words as a function of initial fixation position in the word. Whereas average letter visibility showed a symmetric function in Experiment 1, the word recognition data of Experiment 2 showed the typical asymmetric curve. Combining the letter visibility data with measures of lexical constraint using absolute letter-in-string positions failed to capture the pattern in the word data. An alternative measure of constraint based on relative position coding of letters generated more accurate predictions.